According to Self-Determination Theory (SDT), satisfaction of needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness is a universal requirement for psychological well-being. We tested this hypothesis with college students in the United States, Australia, Mexico, Venezuela, the Philippines, Malaysia, China, and Japan. Participants rated the extent to which these needs, plus needs for self-actualization and pleasure-stimulation, were satisfied in various roles and reported their general hedonic (i.e., positive and negative affect) and eudaimonic (e.g., meaning in life, personal growth) well-being. Asian participants averaged lower than non-Asian participants in perceived satisfaction of autonomy, competence, and self-actualization needs and in most aspects of eudaimonic well-being and these differences were partially accounted for by differences in dialecticism and independent self-construals. Nonetheless, perceived need satisfaction predicted overall well-being to a similar degree in all cultures and in most cultures provided incremental prediction beyond the Big Five traits. Perceived imbalance in the satisfaction of different needs also modestly predicted well-being, particularly negative affect. The study extended support for the universal importance of SDT need satisfaction to several new cultures.NEED SATISFACTION AND WELL-BEING 5 Self-Determination Theory (SDT) proposes that certain evolved psychological needs must be satisfied if individuals are to develop to their fullest potential, in the same way that plants require key nutrients to thrive (Deci & Ryan, 1985Ryan, 1995;. SDT posits three universal needs: autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Autonomy involves the need to experience one's behavior as freely chosen and volitional, rather than imposed by external forces. Competence involves the need to feel capable and effective in one's actions. Relatedness involves the need for belonging, intimacy, and connectedness to others.SDT theorists view these needs as broad motivational tendencies that operate across life domains and contend that satisfaction of all three needs, not just one or two, is essential for well-being.Although the expression or means of satisfying these needs may vary across cultures, their satisfaction is viewed as essential for well-being in all cultures.In contrast, some critics of SDT have questioned whether these needs are cultural universals. In particular, several scholars have argued that autonomy is more valued or normative in individualistic or Western cultures (Cross & Markus, 1999;Iyengar & Lepper, 1999;Miller, 1997). However, as noted by Chirkov and Ryan (2001), the existence of cultural differences in the strength of autonomy values does not preclude similarities in the functional impact of autonomy-supportive versus controlling environments. Furthermore, SDT theorists counter that critics tend to confuse autonomy as defined by SDT with independence or individualism (Chirkov, Ryan, Kim, & Kaplan, 2003). For example, behaving in accordance with group norms might be internal...

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According to Self-Determination Theory (SDT), satisfaction of needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness is a universal requirement for psychological well-being. We tested this hypothesis with college students in the United States, Australia, Mexico, Venezuela, the Philippines, Malaysia, China, and Japan. Participants rated the extent to which these needs, plus needs for self-actualization and pleasure-stimulation, were satisfied in various roles and reported their general hedonic (i.e., positive and negative affect) and eudaimonic (e.g., meaning in life, personal growth) well-being. Asian participants averaged lower than non-Asian participants in perceived satisfaction of autonomy, competence, and self-actualization needs and in most aspects of eudaimonic well-being, and these differences were partially accounted for by differences in dialecticism and independent self-construals. Nonetheless, perceived need satisfaction predicted overall well-being to a similar degree in all cultures and in most cultures provided incremental prediction beyond the Big Five traits. Perceived imbalance in the satisfaction of different needs also modestly predicted well-being, particularly negative affect. The study extended support for the universal importance of SDT need satisfaction to several new cultures.

Western theories suggest that self-concept consistency is important for well-being, but cultural psychologists have proposed that this relationship may be weaker in collectivistic or dialectical cultures. Hypotheses regarding the ability of self-concept (cross-role) consistency and short-term stability to predict hedonic and eudaimonic well-being across cultures were tested. College students in the United States, Australia, Mexico, Venezuela, Philippines, Malaysia, China, and Japan rated their traits in various roles at test and retest and completed measures of hedonic and eudaimonic well-being. In all cultures, cross-role consistency and short-term stability were inversely associated with negative affect, an aspect of hedonic well-being, and positively associated with Big Five Emotional Stability. In contrast, cross-role consistency and short-term stability were related to eudaimonic well-being more reliably in individualistic cultures than in collectivistic cultures, although the results in China only partially conformed to this pattern. We concluded that cross-role variability and short-term instability of self-concepts have a significant temperamental or affective basis and this temperamental basis is a cultural universal. In addition, cultural psychology predictions of a weaker relationship between self-concept consistency and well-being in collectivistic cultures, as compared to individualistic cultures, was largely supported for eudaimonic well-being.Keywords: culture, cross-role consistency, short-term stability, hedonic and eudaimonic wellbeing, individualism-collectivism, dialecticism SELF-CONCEPT CONSISTENCY AND WELL-BEING 3 Self-concept consistency has been defined in a variety of ways and different consistency constructs may relate differently to well-being (Campbell, Assanand, & Di Paula, 2003). In the present study, we define self-concept consistency as the consistency of individuals' trait ratings across different roles, and refer to this construct as cross-role consistency (see also Boucher, 2011;Church, Anderson-Harumi et al., 2008) According to theory (e.g., Jahoda, 1958;Jourard, 1965) and empirical findings (Campbell et al., 2003;Church, Anderson-Harumi et al., 2008;Donahue, Robins, Roberts, & John, 1993; Sheldon et al., 1997), a consistent and stable self-concept is important for adjustment or wellbeing, at least in Western or individualistic cultures. However, cultural psychologists have hypothesized that the relationship between consistency and well-being may be weaker or nonexistent in collectivistic cultures, where self-concept flexibility and adaptability to situational contexts are valued (Markus & Kitayama, 1998;Suh, 2002). Indeed, Suh (2002), in a comparison of cross-role consistency in Americans and Koreans, found support for this hypothesis, and attributed the cultural differences to differences in self-construals.Alternatively, English and Chen (2007) and Boucher (2011) attributed the hypothesized weaker relationship between cross-role consistency and well-being in East...

Self-concept consistency and short-term stability were investigated in the United States, Australia, Mexico, Venezuela, Philippines, Malaysia, China, and Japan. Evidence for substantial cross-role consistency and reliable within-individual variability in trait self-perceptions were found in each culture. Participants in all cultures exhibited short-term stability in their selfreported traits within roles and moderately stable if-then patterns of trait self-perceptions.Cultural differences, which primarily involved Japan, were partially accounted for by cultural differences in dialecticism, but not self-construals or cultural tightness. In all cultures, satisfaction of needs in various roles partially accounted for within-individual variability in selfreported traits. The results provide support for integrating trait and cultural psychology perspectives, as well as structure and process approaches, in the study of self-concepts across cultures.Keywords: culture; self-concept; consistency; within-individual variability; self-construals; dialecticism; tightness-looseness SELF-CONCEPT CONSISTENCY IN EIGHT CULTURES 3 IntroductionWestern theorists have long contended that a consistent self-concept is important for adjustment and a clear sense of identity (Jahoda, 1958;Jourard, 1965;Maslow, 1954). For example, in Erikson's (1950) theory, healthy mastery of the identity versus role diffusion stage of development involves self-perceptions of inner sameness and continuity. Similarly, Jourard (1965) argued that a psychologically healthy individual retains a consistent self-view across social roles. Consistent with these theories, studies in American samples have linked self-concept inconsistency to a variety of unhealthy outcomes, including anxiety, depression, lower selfesteem, and lower life satisfaction (Campbell, Assanand, & Di Paula, 2003;Donahue, Robins, Roberts, & John, 1993;Sheldon, Ryan, Rawsthorne, & Ilardi, 1997). Researchers who have investigated self-concept consistency across cultures have generally done so by quantifying the amount of variability in participants' ratings of their personality traits across various roles or relationships. In the present study, we extended this research by investigating the cross-role consistency and short-term stability of trait self-SELF-CONCEPT CONSISTENCY IN EIGHT CULTURES 4 perceptions in eight diverse cultures. In formulating hypotheses about cultural differences in consistency it is useful to consider both trait and cultural psychology perspectives. Trait and cultural psychology perspectives on consistencyFrom trait psychology, we anticipate that people in all cultures exhibit a degree of consistency in how they describe their traits in various roles (Church, 2000;Funder & Colvin, 1991;Oishi, Diener, Scollon, & Biswas-Diener, 2004). In this view, heritable traits contribute to a degree of behavioral consistency in all cultures, which, in turn, leads to some consistency in self-perceptions of one's traits in various roles (Funder, 1995;Wood & Roberts, 2006). Fr...