The proposed mechanism for Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD+) offers significant potential for conserving forests to reduce negative impacts of climate change. Tanzania is one of nine pilot countries for the United Nations REDD Programme, receives significant funding from the Norwegian, Finnish and German governments and is a participant in the World Bank's Forest Carbon Partnership Facility. In combination, these interventions aim to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions, provide an income to rural communities and conserve biodiversity. The establishment of the UN-REDD Programme in Tanzania illustrates real-world challenges in a developing country. These include currently inadequate baseline forestry data sets (needed to calculate reference emission levels), inadequate government capacity and insufficient experience of implementing REDD+-type measures at operational levels. Additionally, for REDD+ to succeed, current users of forest resources must adopt new practices, including the equitable sharing of benefits that accrue from REDD+ implementation. These challenges are being addressed by combined donor support to implement a national forest inventory, remote sensing of forest cover, enhanced capacity for measuring, reporting and verification, and pilot projects to test REDD+ implementation linked to the existing Participatory Forest Management Programme. Our conclusion is that even in a country with considerable donor support, progressive forest policies, laws and regulations, an extensive network of managed forests and increasingly developed locally-based forest management approaches, implementing REDD+ presents many challenges. These are being met by coordinated, genuine partnerships between government, non-government and community-based agencies.
Reducing deforestation can generate multiple economic, social and ecological benefits by safeguarding the climate and other ecosystem services provided by forests. Understanding the relative contribution of different drivers of deforestation is needed to guide policies seeking to maintain natural forest cover. We assessed 119 randomly selected plots from areas deforested between 2010 and 2017, in Tanzania. Through ground surveys and stakeholder interviews we assessed the proximate deforestation drivers at each point. Crop cultivation was the most commonly observed driver occurring in 89% of plots, compared to livestock grazing (69%) and charcoal (35%). There was evidence of fire in 77% of plots. Most deforestation events involved multiple drivers, with 83% of plots showing signs of two or more drivers. Stakeholder interviews identified agriculture as the primary deforestation driver in 81% of plots, substantially more than charcoal production (12%), timber harvesting (1%) and livestock (1%). Policy-makers in Tanzania have sought to reduce deforestation by reducing demand for charcoal. However, our work demonstrates that agriculture, not charcoal, is the main driver of deforestation in Tanzania. Beyond protected areas, there is no clear policy limiting the conversion of forests to agricultural land. Reducing deforestation in Tanzania requires greater inter-sectoral coordination between the agriculture, livestock, land, energy and forest sectors.
We investigated the major patterns of plant rarity in sub-Saharan Africa, and looked for the most significant gaps in the reserve network of the region in terms of representing the distribution of threatened and geographically rare plants. Comparisons of the species ranges captured by the network of reserves were made against the proportion of species captured by randomly generated sets of areas and against a theoretical near minimum set of areas that represent all species once. At this scale of analysis,
Levels of transaction costs in community-based forest management (CBFM) in four communities adjacent to the Ambangulu mountain forests of the north-east of Tanzania were assessed through questionnaire responses from 120 households. Costs and benefits of CBFM to the rich, medium and poor groups of forest users were estimated. Costs of CBFM were participation in forest monitoring and time spent in meetings. Benefits included forest products consumed at household level. Transaction costs relative to benefits for CBFM were found to be higher for poorer households compared with medium income and richer households. Higher income groups obtained the most net benefits followed by medium and poorer households. Community involvement in forest management may lower the transaction costs incurred by government, but a large proportion of these costs are borne by poorer members of the community. Transaction costs are critical factors in the success or failure of CBFM and need to be incorporated into policies and legislation related to community-based natural resource management. RésuméOn a évalué les frais de transactions dans la gestion communautaire de la forêt (community-based forest management -CBFM) au moyen de questionnaires distribués dans 120 foyers de quatre communautés voisines des forêts des monts Ambangulu, au nord-est de la Tanzanie. Les coû ts et bénéfices de la CBFM ont été évalués pour les groupes riches, moyens et pauvres d'utilisateurs de la forêt.Les coû ts de la CBFM concernaient la participation au monitoring de la forêt et le temps consacré aux réunions. Les bénéfices incluaient les produits forestiers consommés au niveau de chaque famille. Le rapport entre le coû t des transactions et les bénéfices de la CBFM s'est révélé plus élevé pour les foyers pauvres que pour les moyens et les riches. Les groupes aux revenus les plus élevés tiraient le bénéfice net le plus haut, suivis par les groupes aux revenus moyens, puis les pauvres. L'implication communautaire dans la gestion forestière peut faire baisser les frais de transactions couverts par le gouvernement, mais une grande partie de ces coû ts sont supportés par les plus pauvres membres de la communauté. Or ces frais sont des facteurs critiques de la réussite ou de l'échec de la CBFM, et il faut les intégrer dans des politiques et une législation liées à la gestion communautaire des ressources naturelles.
REDD (reduced emissions from deforestation and degradation) aims to slow carbon releases caused by forest disturbance by making payments conditional on forest quality over time. Like earlier policies to slow deforestation, REDD must change the behaviour of forest degrading actors. Broadly, it can be implemented with payments to forest users in exchange for improved forest management, thus creating incentives; through payments for enforcement, thus creating disincentives; or through addressing external drivers such as urban charcoal demand. In Tanzania, community-based forest management (CBFM), a form of participatory forest management, was chosen by the Tanzania Forest Conservation Group, a local NGO, as a model for implementing REDD pilot programmes. Payments are made to villages that have the rights to forest carbon. In exchange, the villages must demonstrably reduce deforestation at the village level. In this paper, using this pilot programme as a case study, combined with a review of the literature, we provide insights for REDD implementation in sub-Saharan Africa. We pay particular attention to leakage, monitoring and enforcement. We suggest that implementing REDD through CBFM-type structures can create appropriate incentives and behaviour change when the recipients of the REDD funds are also the key drivers of forest change. When external forces drive forest change, however, REDD through CBFM-type structures becomes an enforcement programme with local communities rather than government agencies being responsible for the enforcement. That structure imposes costs on local communities, whose local authority limits the ability to address leakage outside the particular REDD village.
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