In western North Carolina, where we and others have been working to build local food systems for the last 15 years, food hubs are part of an expanding network of local food distribution infrastructure intended to help the region's smaller local farms access larger, more mainstream market outlets. The impact of food hubs on the region's evolving food system, however, is contradictory. At the same time that food hubs further the development of local food supply chains and create market opportunities for farms, they can also run contrary to the bigger and longer-term goals of the local food movement. In this viewpoint article, we look critically at the role of nonprofit food hubs in efforts to build local food systems. Speaking from our experiences in the local food movement in western North Carolina and drawing from social movements and food systems scholarship, we argue that food hubs, when used as primary mechanisms of local food system building, can deprive the movement of its capacity to activate broad participation in the food system. We argue that efforts to build local food systems need a foundation of work that engages people (such as farmers, citizens, people who work in the food industry) in processes that can shape the practices, values, and impacts of systems of food production and distribution. While they can mitigate the mismatch between the smaller scale typical of local food and larger mainstream markets, food hubs alone cannot challenge industry norms and practices, and they can even aid the food industry in maintaining the status quo.

In -2003, the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA), in collaboration with the federal government of Nigeria, USAID and the US Department of Agriculture (USDA), conducted a nationwide food consumption survey. Since the last national survey occurred in 1963, a major objective was to establish national baseline data for women and children under 5 years old. To ensure the accuracy and quality of detailed food intake data, IITA adapted the USDA Food Instruction Booklet (FIB), a compilation of foods consumed in the country, divided into food groups and subgroups. A Nigerian food composition database formed the basis of the Nigerian FIB, whereby, food groups, probes, a food index, and measurement guides with conversion tables were compiled. The Nigerian FIB included 18 major food groups and 79 subgroups compared to 16 food groups and 100 subgroups in the USDA FIB. For both countries, these food groups highlight how food is categorized and consumed. A typical example was how each country grouped grains and cereals. The Nigerian FIB included four separate groups (cereals, cereal products, confectionaries, and pasta). In the USDA FIB, breads and sweet breads were put together as one group. Cereal, pasta and rice were together as a second group. Examples of these food groups and probes are presented. While both FIBs contained measurement guides (cups, spoons, thickness sticks, rulers), the Nigerian FIB also included indigenous guides. These guides allowed for food weight conversions using local utensils, weights of foods cooked at home and purchased away from home, weights of foods with different sizes, and weights of food items with different measuring tools. Another unique element in the Nigerian FIB was the inclusion of scientific names for foods, their English names, and local names in the three Nigerian languages (Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo). The FIB highlights cultural similarities and differences in food consumption and demonstrates how one country's survey instrument can be adapted to meet the needs of another.

No abstract