Older adults frequently display differential patterns of brain activity compared to young adults in the same task, alongside widespread neuroanatomical changes. Differing functional activity patterns in older adults are commonly interpreted as being compensatory (e.g., Cabeza, Locantore & McIntosh, 2002). We examined the oscillatory activity in the EEG during syntactic binding in young and older adults, as well as the relationship between oscillatory activity and behavioural performance on a syntactic judgement task within the older adults. 19 young and 41 older adults listened to two-word sentences that differentially load onto morpho-syntactic binding: correct syntactic binding (morpho-syntactically correct, e.g., "I dotch"); incorrect syntactic binding (morpho-syntactic agreement violation, e.g., "they dotches") and no syntactic binding (minimizing morpho-syntactic binding, e.g., "dotches spuff"). Behavioural performance, assessed in a syntactic judgement task, was characterized by inter-individual variability especially in older adults, with accuracy ranging from 76-100% in young adults and 58-100% in older adults. Compared to young adults, older adults were slower, but not less accurate. Functional neural signatures for syntactic binding were assessed as the difference in oscillatory power between the correct-and no syntactic binding condition. In older adults, syntactic binding was associated with a smaller increase in theta (4-7 Hz), alpha (8-12 Hz) and beta (15-20 Hz) power in a time window surrounding the second word. There was a significant difference between the older and younger adults: in the alpha range, the condition difference seemed to be in the opposite direction for older versus young adults. Our findings thus suggest that the neural signature associated with syntactic binding in older adults is different from young adults. However, we found no evidence of a significant association between behavioural performance and the neural signatures of syntactic binding for older adults, which does not readily support the predictions of compensatory models of language and ageing.
We investigated age-related differences in syntactic comprehension in young and older adults.Previous research found no evidence of age-related decline in syntactic processing. We investigated elementary syntactic comprehension of minimal sentences (e.g I cook), minimizing the influence of working memory. We also investigated the contribution of semantic processing by comparing sentences containing real verbs (e.g I cook) versus pseudo-verbs (e.g I spuff). We measured speed and accuracy of detecting syntactic agreement errors (e.g., I cooks, I spuffs). We found that older adults were slower and less accurate than younger adults in detecting syntactic agreement errors for both real and pseudo-verb sentences. We thus found evidence for age-related decline in syntactic comprehension. The age-related decline in accuracy was smaller for the pseudo-verb sentences, and the decline in speed was larger for the pseudo-verb sentences, compared to real verb sentences. We suggest that syntactic comprehension decline is stronger in the absence of semantic information, which causes older adults to produce slower responses in order to make more accurate decisions. In line with these findings, accuracy for older adults was positively related to a measure of processing speed capacity. Taken together, we found evidence that elementary syntactic processing abilities decline in healthy ageing.
We investigated age-related differences in syntactic comprehension in young and older adults. Most previous research found no evidence of age-related decline in syntactic processing. We investigated elementary syntactic comprehension of minimal sentences (e.g., I cook), minimizing the influence of working memory. We also investigated the contribution of semantic processing by comparing sentences containing real verbs (e.g., I cook) versus pseudoverbs (e.g., I spuff). We measured the speed and accuracy of detecting syntactic agreement errors (e.g., I cooks, I spuffs). We found that older adults were slower and less accurate than younger adults in detecting syntactic agreement errors for both real and pseudoverb sentences, suggesting there is age-related decline in syntactic comprehension. The agerelated decline in accuracy was smaller for the pseudoverb sentences, and the decline in speed was larger for the pseudoverb sentences, compared to real verb sentences. We suggest that syntactic comprehension decline is stronger in the absence of semantic information, which causes older adults to produce slower responses to make more accurate decisions. In line with these findings, performance for older adults was positively related to a measure of processing speed capacity. Taken together, we found evidence that elementary syntactic processing abilities decline in healthy aging.
Older adults frequently display differential patterns of brain activity compared to young adults in the same task, alongside widespread neuroanatomical changes. Differing functional activity patterns in older adults are commonly interpreted as being compensatory (e.g., Cabeza, Locantore & McIntosh, 2002). We examined the oscillatory activity in the EEG during syntactic binding in young and older adults, as well as the relationship between oscillatory activity and behavioural performance on a syntactic judgement task within the older adults. 19 young and 41 older adults listened to two-word sentences that differentially load onto morpho-syntactic binding: correct syntactic binding (morpho-syntactically correct, e.g., “I dotch”); incorrect syntactic binding (morpho-syntactic agreement violation, e.g., “they dotches”) and no syntactic binding (minimizing morpho-syntactic binding, e.g., “dotches spuff”). Behavioural performance, assessed in a syntactic judgement task, was characterized by inter-individual variability especially in older adults, with accuracy ranging from 76-100% in young adults and 58-100% in older adults. Compared to young adults, older adults were slower, but not less accurate. Functional neural signatures for syntactic binding were assessed as the difference in oscillatory power between the correct- and no syntactic binding condition. In older adults, syntactic binding was associated with a smaller increase in theta (4-7 Hz), alpha (8-12 Hz) and beta (15-20 Hz) power in a time window surrounding the second word. There was a significant difference between the older and younger adults: in the alpha range, the condition difference seemed to be in the opposite direction for older versus young adults. Our findings thus suggest that the neural signature associated with syntactic binding in older adults is different from young adults. However, we found no evidence of a significant association between behavioural performance and the neural signatures of syntactic binding for older adults, which does not readily support the predictions of compensatory models of language and ageing.
Mild cognitive impairment (MCI) is the term used to identify those individuals with subjective and objective cognitive decline but with preserved activities of daily living and an absence of dementia. Although MCI can impact functioning in different cognitive domains, most notably episodic memory, relatively little is known about the comprehension of language in MCI. In this study, we used around‐the‐ear electrodes (cEEGrids) to identify impairments during language comprehension in patients with MCI. In a group of 23 patients with MCI and 23 age‐matched controls, language comprehension was tested in a two‐word phrase paradigm. We examined the oscillatory changes following word onset as a function of lexico‐semantic single‐word retrieval (e.g., swrfeq vs. swift) and multiword binding processes (e.g., horse preceded by swift vs. preceded by swrfeq). Electrophysiological signatures (as measured by the cEEGrids) were significantly different between patients with MCI and controls. In controls, lexical retrieval was associated with a rebound in the alpha/beta range, and binding was associated with a post‐word alpha/beta suppression. In contrast, both the single‐word retrieval and multiword binding signatures were absent in the MCI group. The signatures observed using cEEGrids in controls were comparable with those signatures obtained with a full‐cap EEG setup. Importantly, our findings suggest that patients with MCI have impaired electrophysiological signatures for comprehending single words and multiword phrases. Moreover, cEEGrid setups provide a noninvasive and sensitive clinical tool for detecting early impairments in language comprehension in MCI.
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