In recent years, scholars have developed a vocabulary for describing scenes of insecurity, precarity, and disorder too slow to achieve recognition as crises. Concepts such as slow violence, for example, depend on forms of delay, deferral, attrition, and accumulation whose ordinariness exacerbates suffering. But not enough attention has been paid to how those mired in the experience of protracted harm themselves use time to respond to this pernicious condition. In this article, I focus on the deliberate manipulations of time that characterize responses to slow violence by examining a campaign to halt the construction of a trash incinerator in south Baltimore. The incinerator—which posed toxic risk for residents in exchange for the promise of clean, green, renewable energy—was to be the latest in a steady stream of impositions that have plagued local bodies since the nineteenth century. Here, I scrutinize this history and the consequences of gradual industrial incursion on risk perceptibility. I then analyze the ways in which time has been slowed, sped up, reordered, and strategically punctuated by parties on multiple sides of the incinerator campaign. In the process, this article offers up a set of tools that, beyond depicting time as a medium of violence, also specify temporalities of resistance and refusal. Taken together, they suggest that slow violence, rather than merely obstructing response, invites creative forms of temporal orchestration and moral punctuation.
In order to connect with families and influence treatment trajectories, outreach materials should address cultural perceptions of the condition, its causes, and post-diagnostic care. This paper describes the cultural adaptation and translation of the Autism Speaks First 100 Days Kit into Korean for the purpose of improving autism spectrum disorder (ASD) diagnosis, assessment, and interventions. The goal of this study is to describe a methodology for future cross-cultural adaptations and translations of outreach materials on ASD, using the Autism Speaks First 100 Days Kit as an exemplar. The research involved two stages of qualitative interviews: unstructured individual and group interviews with 19 Korean child health and education professionals in Queens, NY, followed by structured cultural consensus modeling interviews with 23 Korean mothers, with and without children with ASD, in Queens, NY and the greater Washington, DC area. We conclude that a systematic approach to cultural translation of outreach materials is feasible. Cultural consensus modeling yielded information about numerous barriers to care, had a demonstrable effect on the translation of the kit, and was efficient when employed with coherent segments of a relatively homogeneous population and focused on a single condition.
If it had been built, the Fairfield Renewable Energy Project would have been the largest trash incinerator in the United States, burning 4,000 tons of waste each day in late‐industrial Baltimore. When it was first proposed, two discourses of renewal coalesced around the project. One was propagated by technocrats who argued incineration should be regulated as a renewable technology. Another emerged among working‐class whites who hoped the plant would reinvigorate their ailing economy. Both discourses hinged on comparisons with the past and maneuvers between futures near and far, gaining ground through subjunctive politics. Recast in this light, both technocratic dreams and local narratives of waste, race, and decline betray a deep ambivalence about the sorts of futures that seem plausible within a geography of “undesirables.” [subjunctive politics, waste, race, renewal, future, uncertainty, environment, Baltimore, United States]
Breakdown, trespass, seepage, degradation: this is late industrialism. Over the past decade, the term has become synonymous with collapse, describing everything from crumbling infrastructure to outmoded paradigms. But the “late” in “late industrial” carries radical potential, too. It points toward the possibility of another world taking shape within the wreckage as people retrofit broken systems, build flexible coalitions, and work creatively with time. In this collection, we train our eyes on these refashionings, asking how late industrial systems might be put to life-affirming work. Specifically, we track cases where breath, air, and atmosphere help inaugurate a “phase shift” (Choy and Zee 2015) from breakdown toward worlds otherwise. Breath has sentinel qualities: it can warn of trouble in the air. But it is also an animating force. Taking conceptual cues from this duality, contributors attend to late industrialism as it is sensed and transformed into something vital.
Teach For All is a global network of state-based organizations that translate Teach For America’s market model of school reform into moral projects of nation-building abroad. Referring to this challenge as one of “scaling” the organization, its leaders elaborate a theory of change that hinges on replicability: in order to effect a global education revolution, Teach For All must reproduce inspiring instances of change in classrooms around the world. In service of this goal, the organization marshals an impressive archive of transformational stories. Each supports its “shared problems, shared solutions” philosophy and attains status as evidence, suggesting that Teach For All’s brand of transformative teaching can eradicate educational inequity despite the contingencies of place. Teach For All’s use of stories to “sell” this brand of reform is itself nothing new. But what is so peculiar about Teach For All’s project is that tales of individual conversion – of situated transformation – come to serve as sites for scalability. By exploring stories as technologies of scale, tracing the ways in which they travel the globe and operate on different audiences, and interrogating the work they do within Teach For All’s ideological apparatus, this article explores the relationship between storytelling “shared solutions” and scaling global reform, and the generic subject that such a relationship produces.
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