In 1999, the Irish Government launched a programme of public private partnerships (PPPs). The programme has expanded rapidly as policy makers seek to address the country's acute deficit of physical infrastructure. The first PPP to reach the stage of operation is the contract for five secondary schools. The early evidence from this case demonstrates that the market for education projects is competitive. The contract was designed on the basis of securing an appropriate distribution of risk and limiting private sector rents from re-financing. However, the evidence indicates that this PPP has not resulted in significant innovations and the public sector has failed to provide any evidence of value for money. IntroductionThe 1990s have witnessed the emergence of public private partnerships (PPPs) as a key tool of public policy across the world. PPPs take different forms. Variants of the PPP model have been adopted for purposes such as investing in large-scale physical and social infrastructure and related services (for example, roads, schools and hospitals). Other variants of the PPP model have been adopted for the purpose of achieving wider public policy objectives such as combating social exclusion (for example, the Single Regeneration Budget in the UK).The current Irish Government has adopted an extensive programme of PPPs for the purpose of investment in infrastructure and public services. Since its introduction in June 1999, the proposed PPP programme has expanded rapidly. There are over 100 projects earmarked for investment using the PPP model and there are PPP projects at various stages of procurement in sectors such as roads, public transport, education and health.This paper presents an economic analysis of the first Irish PPP project to reach the stage where assets are built and services are in operation. It examines the rationale for and extent of Ireland's PPP programme. It reviews economic theories relevant to contracting models such as PPPs. Drawing from these theoretical perspectives it derives criteria for analysis of PPP contracts. It uses these criteria for the purpose of analysing the contract for the design, build, operation and finance of five schools in Ireland.

The objectives of the study were, 1. To ascertain if sexual health physicians and practitioners believe a question concerning a past history of non-consensual sex should be asked routinely and are asking it. 2. To identify whether sexual health services have established protocols to integrate this question into practice. 3. To identify the barriers to this becoming part of a routine sexual health history. A questionnaire covering demographics, protocols and practice around asking the question and reasons for not asking was sent to all (20) sexual health clinics in New Zealand and 7 sexual health clinics in Australia, inviting participation from all staff who took routine sexual health histories. Twenty-seven sexual health clinics participated with a total of 122 (69% response rate) questionnaires completed and returned. One hundred and thirteen (93%) participants believed it was a relevant question to ask. Seventy-eight (63%) said asking the question was encouraged, and routinely or mostly asked the question. Only 40 (33%) identified their workplace had a written policy and 52 (43%) had not received specific training in asking the question. The majority who asked routinely said their client never or rarely objected and that it did not often add significantly to the time. The main reasons for not asking were the belief it was nothing to do with the person's presenting complaint, concern the client would find it too disturbing, inadequate training, and lack of time. Sexual health clinics should develop protocols and guidelines and provide appropriate training to ensure that routine questioning about non-consenting sex is integrated into safe practice.

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The Children Act 1989 introduced the role of Independent Visitors (IVs) for looked after children; their task is 'visiting, advising and befriending the child' (section 7(2)(a)). However, research has found that IVs are not being made available for all children in care who qualify for this support (Knight, 1998;Oakley and Masson, 2000). Knight (1998) estimated that there were fewer than 40 schemes running for around 120 English local authorities, a situation which is at the very least questionable given the established legal right of young people to access such a service. This article examines existing research studies of IV schemes and considers what Visitors can offer young people. Additionally, it shows that looked after children tend to view their IVs as friends and sources of emotional support, encouragement and practical advice, offering a consistent adult presence in their life, clearly demonstrating their significance for separated children.