This article provides an introduction to the themed section “Linguistic Justice, Migration and the Nation‐State.” First, it illustrates the rationale for the themed section by examining the relationship between language, migration and the nation‐state. It argues that accounts of linguistic justice that fail to incorporate, discuss and understand the language interests of migrants, and the potential tensions that may emerge between migrants' linguistic rights and duties, and between their linguistic rights and those of autochthonous groups, are likely to become obsolete in an increasingly mobile world. Second, it provides an overview of the articles in the themed section. And, finally, it highlights four specific areas of inquiry that should deserve greater attention in future scholarship.

Federalism attempts to create a multilayered government in order to better accommodate the self-determination of regions or groups within its borders. For this reason, federalism is well suited for the diversity in Ethiopia and the many calls for self-determination within it. However, within Ethiopia and federal theory, there is little to no examination of the normative grounds for who should be accommodated in a federal state. This paper, situating itself in the context of Ethiopian federalism, addresses this theoretical and practical omission by producing a normative framework to assess the issues and questions of federal inclusion.

We, the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia: Strongly committed, in full and free exercise of our right to self-determination".1 So opens the Ethiopian Constitution which set Ethiopia on a federal path, aiming to both mediate and accommodate the diversity within its borders. However, federalism is not just about diversity, it is often presented as a compromise between the promotion of freedom through regional or ethnic diversity and the benefits of a large collective through state unity. A stark reminder of this is the armed conflict that flared up at the end of 2020 in Tigray between the tplf and the Ethiopian government. In federalism's strength we can see its weakness. Its success or failure rests on whether or not it effectively mediates between unity and diversity.Later in the Ethiopian Constitution's preamble, unity is affirmed as having "through continuous interaction on various levels and forms of life, built up common interest and [has] also contributed to the emergence of a common outlook"; a common outlook that is best served by "by further promoting [Ethiopians'] shared interests".2This unity is very much what Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed aimed to for with his push towards a more centralized Ethiopia when he came into office in 2018. For some regions and peoples in Ethiopia, however, this centralization represents an attack on their right to self-determination, promised by the opening line of the Constitution.Ethiopian federalism presented this way may seem to demonstrate an intractable problem with the recent and current armed conflict pointing to federalism's failure there. However, Ethiopia's vast diversity and the great economic 1 Ethiopian Constitution, Preamble. 2 Ibid.