Local knowledge is becoming increasingly important in primary health care projects. However, these projects often incorporate local knowledge in an uncritical manner. One area where this is apparent is in the lack of attention paid to the gendered nature of local knowledge. I use one example, women's knowledge and use of medicinal plants in a low-income community in the Brazilian Amazon, to illustrate the links among authority, knowledge, and gender. In this article I argue that policy makers must pay attention to the relationships among authority, gender, and local knowledge and examine how the use of local knowledge in development strategies can affect existing (gendered) power relationships. Women's roles as managers of household health (which includes medicinal plant use) are a source of authority for them. Because of that, the way in which local knowledge is incorporated into primary health care programs can have a significant impact on women's authority.
The importance of community in primary health care (PHC) is evident in the role of community participation and in the types of programs that are routinely implemented (community health-worker [CHW] programs, community clinics, community-based disease-control programs). Few health care providers and program administrators, however, have considered the meaning of community. Instead, they frequently impose their own definition of community and assume that it corresponds to local realities. This is problematic because target populations may have different ideas about what a community is and how it functions. When disparate ideas of community exist, they can affect the implementation of PHC programs, leading to low rates of acceptance, participation, and utilization. Using two examples, a community clinic in El Alto, Bolivia, and a CHW program in Rio Branco, Brazil, this article discusses some of the problems that arise when local definitions of community do not correspond to programmatic definitions.
BackgroundThis paper explores patterns of women’s medicinal plant knowledge and use in an urban area of the Brazilian Amazon. Specifically, this paper examines the relationship between a woman’s age and her use and knowledge of medicinal plants. It also examines whether length of residence in three different areas of the Amazon is correlated with a woman’s use and knowledge of medicinal plants. Two of the areas where respondents may have resided, the jungle/seringal and farms/colonias, are classified as rural. The third area (which all of the respondents resided in) was urban.MethodsThis paper utilizes survey data collected in Rio Branco, Brazil. Researchers administered the survey to 153 households in the community of Bairro da Luz (a pseudonym). The survey collected data on phytotherapeutic knowledge, general phytotherapeutic practice, recent phytotherapeutic practice and demographic information on age and length of residence in the seringal, on a colonia, and in a city. Bivariate correlation coefficients were calculated to assess the inter-relationships among the key variables. Three dependent variables, two measuring general phytotherapeutic practice and one measuring phytotherapeutic knowledge were regressed on the demographic factors.ResultsThe results demonstrate a relationship between a woman’s age and medicinal plant use, but not between age and plant knowledge. Additionally, length of residence in an urban area and on a colonia/farm are not related to medicinal plant knowledge or use. However, length of residence in the seringal/jungle is positively correlated with both medicinal plant knowledge and use.ConclusionsThe results reveal a vibrant tradition of medicinal plant use in Bairro da Luz. They also indicate that when it comes to place of residence and phytotherapy the meaningful distinction is not rural versus urban, it is seringal versus other locations. Finally, the results suggest that phytotherapeutic knowledge and use should be measured separately since one may not be an accurate proxy for the other.
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