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This paper investigates how simultaneity between two events, a main clause event and a subordinate clause event, is coded in English. It focuses on as-clauses but also contrasts them with while-clauses. It argues that as-clauses evoke path events, i.e. events susceptible to change. It also points out that as-clauses define a family resemblance network in that different, though related, variants can be recognised. While-clauses are argued to generally evoke larger and more stable temporal configurations, e.g. properties. The different behaviour of as-clauses and while-clauses is related to the different lexical status of as vs. while. The former is analysed as a subordinator unspecified for temporality whereas the latter is regarded as a temporal subordinator by default. Finally, the use of progressive aspect is discussed. It is argued to function as a "slow motion" marker in as-clauses and/or to signal a contrast between the temporal expanses of the main and as-clauses. By contrast, it takes on a transience-highlighting function in while-clauses.

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In this paper I investigate adjectival resultative constructions, which usually do not occur in Romance languages, and adverbial resultative constructions, which are also possible in Romance languages. I claim that adjectival resultative constructions and adverbial resultative constructions rely on different cognitive processes. In particular, I contend that adjectival resultative constructions involve the activation of Langacker's billiard-ball model. Such an analysis turns out to be more satisfactory than formal ones. On the other hand, adverbial resultative constructions, as well as more generally adverbial depictive constructions, are argued to involve the process of property ascription by the conceptualiser and the reference point ability. Finally, I show that adverbial (resultative) constructions exhibit similarities with so-called raising constructions in that both crucially rely on the reference point ability.

8In this article we offer a diachronic analysis of simultaneity subordinator as against the background of simultaneity subordinators while, whilst, when from 1650 to the end of the twentieth century. The present survey makes use of data extracted from the British English component of ARCHER (version 3.1), focusing in particular on fiction, the register par excellence for the use of simultaneity subordinators. We analyse our data according to a selection of parameters (ordering, verb type, duration, tense and aspect, subject identity, simultaneity type) and show that, against a background of relative stability, the major change is a dramatic increase in the frequency of simultaneity as-clauses from the first half of the nineteenth century onwards.