russell-group-universities-83m-ethical-investment-campaignagainst-the-arms-trade_n_1818747.html Rogers, Ibram (2012) The Black Campus Movement: Black Students and the

The critical platform studies literature has built a compelling picture of how techniques like worker (mis)classification, algorithmic management and workforce atomisation lie at the heart of how ‘work on-demand via apps’ actively restructure labour. Much of this emerging scholarship identifies that platform workforces are predominantly comprised of migrant and racially minoritised workers. However, few studies theorise migration and race as structuring logics of the platform model and the precarity it engenders. This paper addresses this gap by exploring how the platform economy – specifically work on-demand via apps – both shapes and is shaped by historically contingent contexts of racialisation, and their constitutive processes such as embodiment and immigration policy/rhetoric. Beyond identifying the over-representation of racial minorities in the platform economy, it argues that processes of racialisation have been crucial at every stage of the platform economy's rise to dominance, and therefore constitutes a key organising principle of platform capitalism – hence the term ‘racial platform capitalism’. In doing so, this paper draws on the racial capitalism literature, to situate key platform techniques such as worker (mis)classification and algorithmic management as forms of racial practice, deployed to (re-)organise surplus urban labour-power following the 2008 financial crisis. This framework will be explored through an ethnographic study of Uber's rise in London. Through this, the paper demonstrates a co-constitutive relationship, where the conditions of minoritised workers in a global city like London post-2008, and the political economy of platform companies can be said to have co-produced one another.

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This special issue responds to ongoing debates around what has been termed 'identity politics' . We aim to intervene in what are make-or-break questions for the Left today. Specifically, we wish to provoke further interrogative but comradely conversation that works towards breaking-down the wedge between vulgar economism and vulgar culturalism. Critically, we maintain that just as all identity categories are spatially and temporally contingent -socially constructed, yet naturalised -so too is this current bifurcation between 'class politics' and 'identity politics' . Ultimately, we Downloaded from Brill.com07/06/2020 06:28:12PM via free access 4 Kumar et al. Historical Materialism 26.2 (2018) 3-20call for an intellectual and organisational embracing of the complexity of identity as it figures in contemporary conditions; being a core organising-principle of capitalism as it functions today, a paradigm that Leftist struggle can be organised through and around -and yet all with a recognition of the necessity of historicising, and ultimately abolishing, these categories along with capitalism itself. Keywordsidentity politics -economism -class -internationalism -culturalism -identitarianrace -gender 2017 was, in many ways, the year debates around identity politics came to a head. No longer exclusively the stuff of intra-Leftist mudslinging, the contrived opposition between 'class politics' and 'identity politics' resurfaced in mainstream political and media parlance. After having spectacularly misjudged two of the West's most significant political shocks of the decade -Brexit and the election of Donald Trump -talking heads were quick to blame the rise of the far-Right on the crushing hegemony of 'political correctness' . This discursive framework purportedly side-lined the so-called 'white working class' in its desperate, emasculating attempts to appeal to women, people of colour and other marginalised communities. Despite the categorically bourgeois interests behind the UK 'Leave' and 'Remain' campaigns, and the fact that, for example, lower-income Americans were less likely to vote for Trump than the upper classes,1 both moments were prematurely framed as cries of revenge from white, working-class men: a category defined by class as well as race, and yet dispossessed not by capitalism but by a multiracial metropolitan elite preoccupied with showing superficial tolerance towards minority identities. White nationalist and former Chief Strategist in Trump's White House, Steve Bannon, neatly summarised this framework -and its efficacy for his project of the so-called 'alt-right':The Democrats -the longer they talk about identity politics, I got 'em.… I want them to talk about racism every day. If the left is focused on race and identity, and we go with economic nationalism, we can crush the Democrats.2 1 Gould and Harrington 2016. 2 Steve Bannon, quoted in Egan 2017.