qui pythia cantat tibicen didicit prius extimuitque magistrum All editors who place a mark of punctuation within these lines (the great majority) put a comma after tibicen; a few leave them unpunctuated, but say nothing about the construction. It therefore seems timely to recall the note of W. Heraeus on Martial 5.56.9 fac discat citharoedus aut choraules; this runs as follows, nescio an Hor. a.p. 415 tibicen cum didicit iungendum sit. This seems right to me. Apart from Martial, there is the corresponding use of didá skein in Greek (e.g. Plato Meno 94b tou´touv. .. i Ö ppe´av me`n eÒ dí daxen; other instances in LSJ s.v. dida´skw at the bottom of 421b and top of 422a), which is brought into Latin by two native Greek speakers, Ammianus Marcellinus (16.8.10 tonstrices docuit filias) and the freedman Echion in Petron. 46.7 destinaui illum artificium docere, aut tonstrinum aut praeconem aut certe causidicum, who slips back from Latin into Greek idiom. I do not pretend that this significantly alters the sense ('has trained as an oboe-player'), but our grammatical conscience demands to be satisfied.

This paper comprises two parts: a discussion of inscriptions in the Satyrica and a list of references to writing in the novel as a whole. It is based on the fact that even a cursory reading of Petronius' Satyrica reveals a remarkable number of references to the writing and inscribing of texts. Despite the fact that many of the individual passages are well known and have attracted a considerable amount of scholarly attention, we know of no complete collection of references to this phenomenon in the novel as a whole. Pending a complete study of the topic, therefore, a brief survey of the references to inscriptions and a complete list of references to writing in the Satyrica may be a useful contribution.

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In an insightful exploration of the processes of periodization that underpin our conception of what makes the Augustan age, Barchiesi has written: 'I would say that the crucial factor for modern scholars has been the possibility of making multiple connections between political change, material culture, ideology, literature and the visual arts.' 1 One important feature among the Augustan visual arts was the appearance throughout the Roman world of thousands of inscriptions marking or celebrating, in one way or another, the arrival of a new age. 2 Even a cursory survey of the corpus of the major Augustan poets, Vergil, Horace, Propertius, Tibullus, and Ovid, reveals the presence of numerous and varied points of contact between their works and this new world of Roman epigraphy. Readers of these texts encounter direct quotations of inscriptions and passing references to the presence of inscriptions. They also encounter descriptions of monuments which carried inscriptions, and the use of various different epigraphical genres, particularly sepulchral epigram and epitaphs, and they meet inscribed spoils, altars, shields, and much else. They also find in these texts subject matter and forms of expression which Romans would have met most frequently inscribed in stone and bronze. One scholar, for example, has gone so far as to describe the whole of the fourth book of Horace's Odes as 'epigraphic poetry'. 3 We can even read a complete work, Ovid's Fasti, which is a poetic version of a genre that Roman readers would automatically have understood as fundamentally We would like to thank audiences in Manchester, Princeton, Charlottesville, Geneva, and Bordeaux for their questions and suggestions. A special word of thanks to A

This paper is simply an extended footnote to P.R. Hardie's 1995 article entitled 'The Speech of Pythagoras in Ovid Metamorphoses 15: Empedoclean Epos.' 1 Hardie took his story of Empedoclean elements in Latin epic poetry from Ennius up to Ovid. The aim here is simply to sketch out the argument that it is relatively straightforward to extend that story one step farther and to include Lucan. 2 Obviously, not every reference to cosmic matters and love and strife in Greek and Latin poetry should be traced back directly to an Empedoclean source. Equally obviously, the poetry of Empedocles was widely read and admired in antiquity, and its influence has been attracting increasing attention in recent years. This piece goes over some territory that will be familar to specialists, but if it illustrates the need for yet further work on the reception of Empedocles in Greek and Roman epic, it will have served its purpose. The proem to book 3 of the Argonautica of Apollonius Rhodius, which draws on a wide range of texts dealing with erotic themes. 3 Subsequently, its direct and profound influence on the prologue with which Vergil begins the second half of his epic in Aeneid 7 ensures its importance for the epic tradition. 4 On the basis of the probability that in the opening lines of his third book Apollonius is alluding directly to Empedocles and making important thematic use of his poetry, it is possible to attempt to construct a literary history, in three steps. 5 Apollonius Rhodius and Empedocles. At the start of his third book, when invoking Erato, Apollonius Rhodius alludes to Empedocles. Compare Arg. 3. 1-5: εἰ δ᾽ ἄγε νῦν, Ἐρατώ, παρά θ᾽ ἵστασο, καί μοι ἔνισπε, ἔνθεν ὅπως ἐς Ἰωλκὸν ἀνήγαγε κῶας Ἰήσων Μηδείης ὑπ᾽ ἔρωτι. σὺ γὰρ καὶ Κύπριδος αἶσαν Empedoclean epic: how far can you go? Dictynna, 11 | 2014