In its various aspects, the subject of "belonging" has been an important fundamental indicator in terms of understanding "social belonging relations" throughout the history of mankind. This study focuses on the Meskhetian Turks who have immigrated to Turkey since 1992. Using the selected sample below, it considers the Meskhetian Turks' choice of a preferred motherland, Turkey or their own Meskhetian Territories with regard to social belonging. The research also questions the role of Turkish Governments during the period 1992-2017 who as decision makers in matters of "immigration administration" "encouraged" or "discouraged" the Meskhetian Turks to enter in Turkey. In addition, the level of public awareness drawn by the Meskhetian Turks' recently increasing rates of arrival in Turkey along with the subject of their social adaption to local public life will be questioned through in depth interviews. Moreover, on a broader level, the emotions of the Meskhetian Turks towards spatial belonging will be scrutinized. And in the final analysis, the content of this paper examines the general question of "motherland" belonging, which is claimed to exist amongst the Meskhetian Turks both towards Turkey and the Meskhetian territories.
This study aims to analyze the data utilized from a field study done just before the 24 June elections which was referred as an extremely important milestone in Turkey's policy and witnesses to many innovations. There are two aspects to be analyzed. The first aspect of the situation is that 24 June elections were the first elections of the new Presidential system of Turkey and that legal political party alliance fact was faced for the first time and that the Turkish political parties entered the elections via alliances. By the way the second aspect which has to be discussed is that how was the attitude and support of the voters to the alliances, and the impact of the social media campaigns, especially the enough-continue campaign, on the voters during the election campaign. Besides, this study examines the effects of domestic-foreign policy developments, leadership case, ideologies of political parties and social identity on 24 June elections. Semi-structured interview technique was used as working method with 30 participants who supported different alliances in three different cities Kayseri, Kırklareli and Erzurum.
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