Although the literature in peace psychology has been growing rapidly, many American psychologists are unaware of how conflict is resolved and peace is conceptualized and achieved. This article reviews the long history and broadening scope of peace psychology and introduces a model of peace that is useful for organizing the literature. The model suggests that peace can be facilitated at four different points of intervention. The authors discuss relationships between positive and negative peace, structural and direct violence, and peacekeeping, peacemaking, and peacebuilding. They advance some challenges for peace psychologists and conclude that peace psychology is a crucial field for grappling with humanity's most pressing problems in the coming decades.

Peace psychology emerged as a distinct area of research and practice during the Cold War, when the preeminent concern was the prevention of nuclear war. Now global in scope, the focal concerns of peace psychologists are nuanced by geohistorical contexts and the distinction between episodic violence and structural violence, the latter of which also kills people, albeit slowly through the deprivation of basic need satisfaction. Accordingly, the focal concerns of contributors to this issue vary depending on geohistorical context: some being primarily concerned with patterns of behavior and cognition involved in the prevention of violent episodes and others with the amelioration of structural violence. A systems perspective is used as a framework for integrating episodes and structures of violence and peace. Articles emphasizing "systemic violence" demonstrate the interplay between structures and episodes of violence. Articles on "systemic peacebuilding" examine intergroup contact, the nonviolent management of conflict, and movement toward socially just structures, thereby yielding an increase in cooperative and equitable relationships across levels, from interpersonal to intergroup.Psychologists have been interested in war and peace since the beginning of modern psychology. James (1910/1995) called attention to some of the psychological dimensions of war and, quite appropriately, when the first issue of Peace and ]. I appreciate the useful advice that was given to me by Dan Perlman, Irene Frieze, and anonymous reviewers.

In this article, we analyze the relationship between positive psychology and peace psychology. We discuss how positive emotions, engagement, meaning, personal well-being, and resilience may impact peace at different levels, ranging from the personal and interpersonal to community, national, and global peace. First, we argue that an individual's positive experiences, personal well-being, and personal resilience, as defined in current positive psychology, may in fact contribute to personal and interpersonal peace but can also entail detrimental consequences for other individuals, communities, and nations. Second, we describe how peace psychology contains traces of positive psychology, especially with its focus on the pursuit of social justice. Third, reviewing and extending the concept of community resilience, we outline directions for further conceptual and empirical work in positive psychology inspired by peace psychology. Such work would do well to transcend positive psychology's current bias toward individualism and nationalism and to conceptualize well-being and resilience at the level of the "global community." This extended "positive peace psychology" perspective would have important implications for our understanding of how to overcome oppression and work toward global peace.

Human needs theory offers insights into a range of peacebuilding processes that are involved in the reduction of both direct and structural violence. Human needs theory helps explain why needs for security and identity are often prepotent in interstate wars and in destructive identity conflicts. Because these needs are built into the organism, 1 challenge for peace psychologists is to invent peaceful means for people to satisfy their security and identity needs. In contrast to direct violence, structural violence occurs when economic and political structures systematically deprive need satisfaction for certain segments of society. When economic deprivation occurs, the need for well-being is not satisfied, resulting in deficits in human growth and development. Politically, structural violence engenders the systematic deprivation of the need for self-determination. Six propositions on direct and structural violence are advanced, including the proposition that a just and sustainable peace will require, at a minimum, the equitable satisfaction of human needs for security, identity, well-being, and self-determination.

BACKGROUND: Psychological comorbidities of obesity are well recognised. However, the role of childhood psychological problems in the aetiology of later obesity has been little studied. DESIGN: Secondary analyses of a national birth cohort (1970 British Cohort Study). Analysis: Logistic regression models to predict obesity risk at 26, 30 and 34 years related to hypothesised predictors: maternal and teacher reported child psychological function at 5 and 10 years (general behavioural, conduct, emotional or attentional/hyperactivity problems) and maternal psychological function. RESULTS: General behavioural problems at age 5 years increased the risk of obesity at 30 and 34 years. Persistence of these problems through childhood further increased the obesity risk. Inattention/hyperactivity at 10 years similarly increased risk of obesity at 30 years (adjusted odds ratios (AOR) 1.3). Chronic conduct problems at 5 and 10 years also increased the obesity risk at 30 years (AOR 1.6 (1.1, 2.4) Po0.05). Childhood emotional disorders and maternal psychological function were not associated with adult obesity. CONCLUSION: Children with early and persistent behavioural problems, particularly conduct problems, hyperactivity and inattention in early and mid-childhood are at an increased risk of obesity in adult life. The promotion of child and adolescent mental health and well-being may form an important part of future obesity prevention strategies. The promotion of healthy eating and activity should form part of secondary prevention and management strategies for children with disruptive behaviour disorders.