Over the past decade, unauthorized migration from Honduras to the USA has become a topic of pressing international concern and a major factor in the political and humanitarian crisis at the southern border of the USA that has been unfolding since 2014. Untangling the causes of recent Honduran migration requires attending to economic change, political instability, the impact of violence and crime, rapidly changing gender roles, among many other forces that shape migration patterns. Recently, scholars and policy-makers have analyzed the impact of drought in the so-called Dry Corridor of Central America as a major source of migration, particularly among coffee producers who have been hard hit by unprecedented heat and lack of rain in parts of Honduras. Drawing on ethnographic studies of Honduran coffee farmers, this paper will discuss how and if climatic factors can be isolated from other factors to explain recent Honduran migration behavior, in order to move towards a holistic explanation of climate-driven migration.
R e s u m e n La mayoría del trabajo antropológico sobre el café se enfoca en los productores de pequeña escala en el mercado de "especialidad" pero el mercado mundial del café está cada vez más determinada por la agroindustria del café en Brasil, el mayor productor de café del mundo, y el segundo mayor consumidor. Este artículo examina los orígenes históricos y las realidades contemporáneas del "big coffee" en Brasil a través de un enfoque en programas de mejoramiento de café en la ciudad de Campinas. Actualmente, la producción de café brasileño está colapsando la diferencia entre los mercados "homogéneos " e " especiales" para el café y este cambio tiene implicaciones para la economía política antropológica, en particular las nociones de " posfordismo " extraídas del geógrafo David Harvey. La teorización antropológica del mercado mundial del café necesita tener en cuenta el aumento de la agroindustria del café en Brasil si se trata de comprender con precisión la dinámica económica políticos del presente y futuro. [agricultura, Brasil, café, economia] A b s t r a c tMost anthropological research on coffee focuses on small-scale producers in the specialty market, but the global coffee market is increasingly shaped by coffee agribusiness in Brazil-the world's largest coffee producer and second-largest consumer. This article examines the historical origins and contemporary realities of "big coffee" in Brazil through a focus on coffee breeding programs in the city of Campinas. At present, Brazilian coffee production is collapsing the difference between "homogenous" and "specialty" markets for coffee, and this change has implications for anthropological political economy-and particularly for the concept of post-Fordism drawn from the work of geographer David Harvey. Anthropological theorization of the global coffee
This article examines the normative principles that underlie efforts to regulate the global coffee market at different points in the global division of labor. I focus on three forms of regulation: local violence against coffee farmers in Honduras, fair trade consumerism, and international regulatory treaties. By comparing the local politics of Honduran coffee production to global forms of consumer activism, I bring contemporary debates about economic justice under a single analytic lens. I suggest that systematic changes in the relationship between states and nations have led alienated citizens to develop new forms of regulation outside the boundaries of the state, and that coffee frequently serves as a metaphor through which people come to terms with their place in the global economy. This metaphor ultimately rests on an alienated representation of the global system that limits the political potential of these regulatory strategies.
Through an ethnographic analysis of an obscure commodity-the Maine sea cucumber-I explore entrepreneurship as a practice, rather than a set of attitudes. The sea cucumber trade creates a transnational network that reaches from rural Honduran villages, to Maine, to Asia. Many participants in this network might be called "entrepreneurs." I address two key questions: What do entrepreneurs do? And, how is entrepreneurship different from other forms of capitalist activity? I locate the source of entrepreneurial agency at the systemic level, challenging the hagiographic view of the individual entrepreneur as a dynamic source of economic growth.
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