The paper describes the creation of the Office for National Statistics 2001 output area classification, which was created in collaboration with the authors. The classification places each 2001 census output area into one of seven clusters based on the socio-economic attributes of the residents of each area. The classification uses cluster analysis to reduce 41 census variables to a single socio-economic indicator. The classification was made available with a host of supporting and descriptive information as a National Statistic via National Statistics on line. The classification forms part of a suite of area classifications that were produced by the Office for National Statistics from 2001 census data. Classifications of local authorities, statistical wards and health areas are also available. Copyright 2007 Royal Statistical Society.

No abstract

No abstract

This paper explores how the various pressures of finance, employability, and part-time work are experienced by undergraduates studying in a Northern Red Brick University. Drawing on the results of a three-year qualitative study that followed 40 students throughout their three years of studies (n =40, n =40, n =38, ntotal=118), the paper details three dimensions by which students understood their part-time employment experiences: the characteristics of employment types; motivations for employment; and, the challenges of shaping their employment experiences around their studies. It is argued that the current shortfalls in the student budget and the pressures of the employability agenda may actually serve to further disadvantage the lower income groups in the form a 'double deficit'. Not only are discrepancies between income and expenditure likely to mean that additional monies are necessary to study for a degree, the resulting need for part-time employment is also likely to constrain both degree outcome and capacity to enhance skills necessary for 'employability'.

O express a degree of well-being that was both desirable and morally legitimate, early modern Englishmen often chose the term competency. Thus, when William Wood pointed out in i634 that, however rude the circumstances of the first New Englanders might seem, they were "well-contented, and looke not so much at abundance, as a competencie," he was trying to strike just such a decently attractive note. To early modern readers, the idea connoted the possession of sufficient property to absorb the labors of a given family while providing it with something more than a mere subsistence. It meant, in brief, a degree of comfortable independence.1 Such an ideal was necessarily imprecise. One man's comforts could be his neighbor's barest needs, and even in the course of a single lifetime people had to shift their standards upward and downward to fit their changing circumstances. A farm that might be judged prosperous enough to keep a young family in relative independence might not serve equally well as children matured. True, most English households survived at levels of competency that were modest at best. Such qualifications being granted, the ideal of competency nevertheless had a broad constituency within the producing ranks of society, and a vast range of behavior spoke Mr. Vickers is a member of the Department of History at Memorial University of Newfoundland. Acknowledgments: I would like to thank, among a great many others