Several options for cancer prevention are available for women with a BRCA1 or BRCA2 mutation, including prophylactic surgery, chemoprevention and screening. The authors report on preventive practices in women with mutations from 9 countries and examine differences in uptake according to country. Women with a BRCA1 or BRCA2 mutation were contacted after receiving their genetic test result and were questioned regarding their preventive practices. Information was recorded on prophylactic mastectomy, prophylactic oophorectomy, use of tamoxifen and screening (MRI and mammography). Two thousand six hundred seventy-seven women with a BRCA1 or BRCA2 mutation from 9 countries were included. The follow-up questionnaire was completed a mean of 3.9 years (range 1.5-10.3 years) after genetic testing. One thousand five hundred thirty-one women (57.2%) had a bilateral prophylactic oophorectomy. Of the 1,383 women without breast cancer, 248 (18.0%) had had a prophylactic bilateral mastectomy. Among those who did not have a prophylactic mastectomy, only 76 women (5.5%) took tamoxifen and 40 women (2.9%) took raloxifene for breast cancer prevention. Approximately one-half of the women at risk for breast cancer had taken no preventive option, relying solely on screening. There were large differences in the uptake of the different preventive options by country of residence. Prophylactic oophorectomy is now generally accepted by women and their physicians as a cancer preventive measure. However, only the minority of women with a BRCA1 or BRCA2 mutation opt for prophylactic mastectomy or take tamoxifen for the prevention of hereditary breast cancer. Approximately one-half of women at risk for breast cancer rely on screening alone. ' 2008 Wiley-Liss, Inc.Key words: BRCA1; BRCA2; prevention; breast cancer; ovarian cancer Women with a BRCA1 or BRCA2 mutation have a lifetime risk of developing breast cancer of between 45 and 87%. 1,2 Through
In 1978, the world's first "test-tube" baby was born via in vitro fertilization (IVF). The past 30 years have seen the rapid evolution of many other assisted reproductive technologies (ARTs)-some are simple variants of IVF, whereas others bridge the fields of assisted reproduction and human genomics. As ARTs have evolved over time, so have social, cultural, legal, and ethical responses to them. Indeed, ARTs are a key symbol of our times, representing the growing prominence of biotechnologies in the configuration of individual, familial, and collective identities around the globe. This review highlights the scholarship of more than 50 anthropologists who are studying the effects of ARTs in many areas of social life, including the traditional anthropological domains of kinship, marriage, and the family, gender, religion, and biomedicine. Their research bespeaks both the destabilizing and the generative impacts of ARTs at the interface between science and society.
BackgroundWhat are the underlying socio-demographic factors that lead healthy women to preserve their fertility through elective egg freezing (EEF)? Many recent reviews suggest that women are intentionally postponing fertility through EEF to pursue careers and achieve reproductive autonomy. However, emerging empirical evidence suggests that women may be resorting to EEF for other reasons, primarily the lack of a partner with whom to pursue childbearing. The aim of this study is thus to understand what socio-demographic factors may underlie women’s use of EEF.MethodsA binational qualitative study was conducted from June 2014 to August 2016 to assess the socio-demographic characteristics and life circumstances of 150 healthy women who had undertaken at least one cycle of elective egg freezing (EEF) in the United States and Israel, two countries where EEF has been offered in IVF clinics over the past 7–8 years. One hundred fourteen American women who completed EEF were recruited from 4 IVF clinics in the US (2 academic, 2 private) and 36 women from 3 IVF clinics in Israel (1 academic, 2 private). In-depth, audio-recorded interviews lasting from 0.5 to 2 h were undertaken and later transcribed verbatim for qualitative data analysis.ResultsWomen in both countries were educated professionals (100%), and 85% undertook EEF because they lacked a partner. This “lack of a partner” problem was reflected in women’s own assessments of why they were single in their late 30s, despite their desires for marriage and childbearing. Women themselves assessed partnership problems from four perspectives: 1) women’s higher expectations; 2) men’s lower commitments; 3) skewed gender demography; and 4) self-blame.DiscussionThe “lack of a partner” problem reflects growing, but little discussed international socio-demographic disparities in educational achievement. University-educated women now significantly outnumber university-educated men in the US, Israel, and nearly 75 other societies around the globe, according to World Bank data. Thus, educated women increasingly face a deficit of educated men with whom to pursue childbearing.ConclusionAmong healthy women, EEF is a technological concession to gender-based socio-demographic disparities, which leave many highly educated women without partners during their prime childbearing years. This information is important for reproductive specialists who counsel single EEF patients, and for future research on EEF in diverse national settings.
Israel is known as a pronatalist country. Whether due to the Biblical commandment to ‘be fruitful and multiply’ or the traumas of the Holocaust and perennial wars, reproduction is a central life goal for most Israelis. Israeli women bear substantially more children than their counterparts in industrialized countries and view child-rearing as a key life accomplishment. These personal world-view and real-life individual quests take place in a context of equally pronatalist state policies and religious openness to assisted reproductive technologies. In this paper, I outline 35 years of assisted reproductive technologies in Israel by tracing a principal axis in the development of three major technologies of assisted reproduction: the proliferation of IVF-ICSI; the globalization of gamete donation; and the privatization of surrogacy. The paper is based on a policy analysis as well as various studies of assisted reproductive technologies, conducted in Israel over this period.
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