This strike in a Chinese factory of the Japanese multinational Honda in 2010 received worldwide coverage. A young workforce sustained an on–off strike, with varying numbers of workers involved, for 19 days. Academic interest has focused on prospects for collective bargaining and union reform in China. This article, using interviews with former strikers, and newspaper sources, analyses the strike process. The workplace union, as a constituent of the All‐China Federation of Trade Unions and subject to the Chinese Party–state, was hostile; so the workers were in effect ‘unorganised’. Examples of non‐union strikes in the interwar car industry of the USA and UK show the similarity of situation with the Honda workers. Hiller's classic text, The Strike, provides a surprisingly suitable framework for understanding strikes of unorganised workers. The strikers' vocabulary ‘framed’ their demands initially as injustice, but incorporated anti‐Japanese sentiment and, then, dignity, in response to events.

Before the debt crisis of 2010 forced Greece into almost permanent austerity, its hotel workers enjoyed wages and conditions (through a sector collective agreement) similar to those in other economic sectors. This was against the international trend where low wages and poor conditions were standard. Sweeping deregulation by Greek governments has brought much of the hotel industry into line with other countries. The sector agreement, now covering a much smaller proportion of the workforce, survived but has experienced ‘institutional conversion’, delivering a much poorer outcome. Despite buoyant tourism, institutional deregulation and derogation have delivered the employers' major objective of matching the workforce to the fluctuating demand for labour.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the changing strike activity in the UK over the last 50 years. Design/methodology/approach – The paper draws on a wide literature on UK strikes and an extensive trawl of newspaper sources. It is divided into four main sections. The first two summarise, in turn, the changing amount and locus of strike activity between 1964 and 2014. The third discusses the changing relationship and balance between official and unofficial strikes. The last covers the role of the courts and legislation on strikes, highlighting some key moments in this turbulent history. Findings – The period 1964-2014 can be divided into three sub-periods: high-strike activity until 1979; a transition period of “coercive pacification” in the 1980s; and unprecedentedly low-strike activity since the early 1990s. Unions were more combative against the legislative changes of the 1980s than they are normally given credit for. Research limitations/implications – Given its broad scope, this paper cannot claim to be comprehensive. Originality/value – This is a rare study of the changing nature of UK strikes over such a long time period.

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The 2016 Trade Union Act (TUA) added ‘draconian’ restrictions to the already tortuous postal balloting regime for holding lawful strikes. The government predicted that 29–35% of ballots would lose. Using data from trade union returns to the Certification Officer, the first detailed account of ballots under the TUA shows that unions have, generally, mobilised successfully to ‘get the vote out’. Far fewer ballots now fail to win a simple majority; the 50% turnout barrier has led to only half the predicted losses; the 40% yes‐vote rule in ‘important public services’ has limited independent effect. To avoid reballoting under the 6‐month ballot mandate, unions often launch into longer (mainly discontinuous) strikes. Judged on these criteria, the TUA has failed, which suggests further legislation will follow. Some national ballots have been lost, but the tactic of disaggregated ballots has seen unions strike (associated) employers where threshold turnout has been achieved.