This paper evaluates the sampling methods of an international survey, the Immigrant Citizens Survey, which aimed at surveying immigrants from outside the European Union (EU) in 15 cities in seven EU countries. In five countries, no sample frame was available for the target population. Consequently, alternative ways to obtain a representative sample had to be found. In three countries ‘location sampling’ was employed, while in two countries traditional methods were used with adaptations to reach the target population. The paper assesses the main methodological challenges of carrying out a survey among a group of immigrants for whom no sampling frame exists. The samples of the survey in these five countries are compared to results of official statistics in order to assess the accuracy of the samples obtained through the different sampling methods. It can be shown that alternative sampling methods can provide meaningful results in terms of core demographic characteristics although some estimates differ to some extent from the census results.

This article presents an analysis of determinants of intimate partner violence (IPV) in the European Union (EU). Based on an EU-wide survey with 42,000 women that examined women's diverse experiences of violence-from violence by strangers to sexual harassment-this article looks specifically at the survey's research with respect to the occurrence of IPV in current partnerships. The analysis explores selected determinants of IPV by focusing on specific indicators in relation to a couple's socioeconomic status, and analyzes inequalities in the sense of unequal distribution of resources. In addition, a partner's behavior outside a relationship, as captured through specific survey questions, is looked at as providing additional evidence of factors that strongly indicate IPV. The results of the article show that, when averaging across the EU Member States, among couples with lower socioeconomic status, there is higher prevalence of violence. In particular, women reporting problems with their household income also report higher rates of IPV. Furthermore, women suffer more often from violence if they do not have an equal say about household income. While reported inequality in income between partners, in the sense of a partner earning more or less than a woman, does not show a consistent result, a woman who reports having less say about the family income is more likely to experience IPV. This result points to the importance of "norm" related inequality compared with actual inequality with respect to IPV, which holds true across all EU Member States. Finally, a partner's behavior-in terms of being violent outside a relationship and frequently getting drunk-shows a strong influence on women reporting incidents of IPV across all countries in the survey.

The article raises the question of why immigrants become or do not become citizens of their destination country. Political incorporation of immigrants through naturalisation is driven by several factors, including opportunities to naturalise on the one hand and the (perceived) added value of naturalisation on the other hand. We argue that naturalisation propensities are strongly driven by policies, while settlement in a country raises the value of citizenship and leads to the acceptance of higher costs. Based on data from the Austrian Mikrozensus we examine the factors that drive citizenship status of immigrants from the main countries and regions of origin in Austria. We find that indicators related to the settlement of immigrants as well as indicators for having easier access to citizenship, most notably higher socioeconomic resources, reduce the likelihood of being a foreign citizen.

While the global increase of expatriate dual citizenship acceptance over the past decades has been widely observed, the temporal and spatial contexts of this trend have remained understudied. Based on a novel data set of expatriate dual citizenship policies worldwide since 1960, we find that dual citizenship toleration has increased in the last half century from one-third to three-quarter of states globally. We argue that these domestic policy changes should be understood in light of normative pressure in a world where restrictions on individual choice in citizenship status are increasingly contested and where liberalisation is reinforced through interdependence and diaspora politics. We apply Cox proportional hazard models to examine dual citizenship liberalisation and find that states are more likely to move to a tolerant policy if neighbouring states have done so and that they tend to do so in conjunction with extending voting rights to citizens residing abroad and receiving remittances from abroad. Contrary to other studies, we do not observe significant variation by regime type.

State' and 'statistics' are not only related etymologically. 1 Rather, statistics represent a fundamental technique of modern government comparable to the role of law in modern societies. Like law, statistics are about procedure and standardisation. Whereas law is about standardising the exercise of power and (legal) relations amongst citizens, between citizens and the state as well as relations within the state, statistics are about knowledge necessary for such exercise of power and authority. Statistics-in James Scott's famous formulation (Scott 1998)-enable states to 'see'. They bring order to the fluid object that is a population, a territory or other objects of power by standardising and structuring social reality into discrete countable units, thereby (so Scott's Foucauldian argument goes) also transforming populations into governable subjects. Indeed, the history of statistics as a specific field of knowledge production is intricately linked to the history of the modern state and modern *The opinions of this author expressed in this chapter do not represent those of the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) 1 The word statistics most probably stems from the Italian word statista meaning 'statesman' (cf. Schmidt 2005).