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This article examines the effect that a poor structural context, what we term an "environment of insecurity", has on the Kurdish ethnic nationalist mobilization in Turkey. The empirical evidence for this analysis is based on data from the 1993 Turkish Demographic and Health Survey [TDHS]. The data provide, to the best of our knowledge, the rst reliable and representative gures on the situation of Kurds in Turkey. Our key claim is that the Kurdish population in Turkey is relatively much worse off than the Turkish population in the country. This claim is strongly supported by the data. Many other factors also account for the ethnic nationalist mobilization, but we argue that the Turkish Kurds' environment of insecurity, materially and nonmaterially, stands out as a key package of both causal and intermediate variables behind the ethnic revival.

In many people's minds, the Middle East stands out as the world's most dangerous place. I often remark to my colleagues and friends, however, that I feel safer doing field research in most Middle Eastern countries than I would in much of Africa or Latin America. To begin with, few parts of the Middle East suffer from high rates of random crime. Rather, the region's violence is mostly political in nature, and, with the right approach, a researcher can take several steps to minimize risks. I have conducted research in the Kurdish regions of Turkey, Iran, Syria, and Iraq (before and after the 2003 war), in Lebanon, and in Israel-Palestine during the first Intifadah. In this article, I discuss various strategies and issues one faces while “in the field” in regions such as these.The author would like to acknowledge research support provided by the Canadian Department of National Defence, the Inter-University Consortium for Arab and Middle East Studies (ICAMES), and the University of Montreal's Centre d'Études et de Recherches Internationales.

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This article examines the effect of modern media and communications technology on ethnic nationalist resurgence, using the Kurds as a case example. Television, satellite communications, the Internet and easy access to publishing technology now facilitate ethnic nationalist challenges to state hegemony and monopoly of information. Additionally, modern media and communications technology can turn a humiliating defeat into a catalyst for a more unified, stronger, ethnic nationalist movement. Globally broadcast images of such a defeat arouse the passions and indignation of even those people who only nominally identify themselves with the ethnic group in question. At the same time, communications technology such as telephones, faxes and e-mail facilitate the channeling of such indignation into immediate group protest and action which, in turn, strengthens the ethnic identification of action participants.