This article examines how the denial of financial aid constrains undocumented students from pursuing higher education and discusses the interlocking relationship between federal immigration and higher education policies. Reporting on research data identifying that undocumented students pay for their education through work, family contributions, few scholarships, and strategies such as working more and taking fewer classes, this article also links the stress placed on undocumented students and their families to Latino retention and graduation rates. ResumenEste manuscrito examina como el negar ayuda financiera constriñe a estudiantes sindocumentos para continuar su educación superior y discute las relaciones eslabonadas entre inmigración federal y políticas de educación superior. Basado en información obtenida en investigaciones identifica que estudiantes sin documentos pagan por su educación a través de trabajo, contribuciones familiares, algunas becas y estrategias como trabajando más y llevando menos clases. Este manuscrito también liga la tensión puesta en estos estudiantes y sus familias de bajos recursos con la taza de graduación y retención Latina.

No abstract

Knowledge on the transition to adulthood of undocumented immigrants arriving in childhood primarily derives from the experiences of minors arriving below the age of 13 years—or the 1.5 generation. The transition to adulthood of the 1.25 generation—those who immigrate between the ages of 13 and 17 years—has been largely missed. This article examines the salient challenges legal exclusion, or “illegality,” creates as the Mexican and Central American 1.25 generation launches into adulthood and the extent that “illegality” disrupts their envisioned futures. Drawing on interviews with 40 undocumented 1.25 generation young adults in Illinois, three distinct patterns were identified: (a) 1.25 generation participants who enrolled in U.S. K–12 schooling, (b) 1.25 generation men who never-enrolled in U.S. K–12 schooling, and (c) 1.25 generation women who never-enrolled. These patterns were shaped by the reasons for their migration, whether the migration process was gendered, and their expectations for adulthood. This article contributes to a more complete picture of the challenges childhood arrivals experience at a critical point of transition in the life course and the sources of variation. Moreover, attention is brought to the timing of immigration—the life-stage when a minor immigrates—as a source of differentiation warranting further consideration.

Sometimes I go to sleep just aggravated, saying if it weren't for the fact that I'm illegal, everything would be so different right now. There's nothing I can do about it. (Gabriel) Gabriel's undocumented status, as is the case for many youth, directly impacts his educational future.People that are in my situation . . . It makes it a lot harder, especially if they don't know how to cope with it. It'll drive them insane. I mean it almost drove me insane. (Gabriel)Constricted by punitive immigration policies that create "dead-end" futures, Gabriel is one of the estimated 11 million people living in the United States without documentation (Passel, 2005).The U.S. government considers foreign-born individuals who are not naturalized U.S. citizens, such as Gabriel, "aliens." There are four categories that "aliens" or foreign nationals can fall into: persons seeking admission into the United States, persons admitted permanently as immigrants or permanent residents, persons admitted temporarily as nonimmigrants, and persons who are in the U.S. without the permission of the government and therefore are considered "illegal aliens" or undocumented (Yale-Loehr & Koehler, 2005). Undocumented persons enter the U.S. without being inspected by the government. They either cross the border or enter as nonimmigrants (most often tourists) that do not leave when they are supposed to, causing them to go "out of status" or become undocumented. Most undocumented persons in the U.S. are Latinos, with Mexicans comprising 57 percent of the undocumented population and other Latin American countries making up 24 percent. 1 In Illinois, with 1.5 million immigrants of which approximately 47 percent are Latinos, the status of those undocumented is desperate (Camarota, 2002; Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights [ICIRR], 2004). The State of Illinois Board of Higher Education (IBHE) (2002) estimates that 500,000 undocumented persons reside in Illinois, or that about 3.5 percent of all Illinois residents are undocumented (ICIRR, 2004).Available research suggests that 20,103 undocumented students live in Chicago, that 3,000 to 4,000 undocumented students graduate from high school each year, and that most undocumented students came to the U.S. at a young age with their parents (IBHE, 2002;Mehta & Ali, 2003). In Chicago, approximately 6.1 percent of all undocumented students are enrolled in a post-secondary institution (Mehta & Ali, 2003). Although there is limited research on this population, data indicates that youth, in particular, are under severe psychological stress. They are isolated because it is dangerous to share information about their status with others, and they are susceptible to exploitation as they can purchase expensive papers that are fake and of little use (Dozier, 1993;Johnston, 2000).Through the collection of educational oral histories from students in higher education, this article-an initial snapshot from an ongoing research project-begins to explore the experiences of undocumented Latino students in Chicago to ...

No abstract