SSD in Children: Articulatory Phonology Perspective for understanding SSDs in children. Although other theories may be able to provide alternate explanations for some of the issues we will discuss, the AP framework in our view generates a unique scope that covers linguistic (phonology) and motor processes in a unified manner.

The late-eighteenth-century British public's fascination with complexion can be seen as symptomatic of the period's preoccupation with a new identity and status for Afro-Britons following Lord Mansfield's decision in the Somerset case (1772), in which a slave-owner was denied the right to deport his slave, James Somerset, back to the colonies. Although Lord Mansfield repeatedly emphasized that his ruling did not mean that slaves in Britain were free, 1 this was the popular belief, and the judge became the toast of London's black population. 2 The Jamaican planter and white supremacist Edward Long was the first to respond to Judge Mansfield's ruling, in a pamphlet entitled Candid Reflections (1772). Playing on the fear that the nation, overrun by freed blacks, will become "embronzed with the African tint," Long lets the West Indian bogey of widespread racial intermixture loose in Britain. 3 Equally prominent in this tract, though less remarked, is Long's focus on "whiteness" and "whitening." The idea of whiteness can be seen most obviously in the title's pun on "candid," with the process of whitening appearing shortly afterwards in the Preface's jibe against Mansfield. The supposedly impossible act of "washing the Black-a-moor white" had, Long jeered, been performed by "a lawyer." 4 The aim of this essay is to bring into greater prominence the racialization of whiteness in the 1760s and 1770s, both in the metropolis and in the colonies,

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In this paper I wish to examine two overlapping areas of middle-class polemic from the 1790s: white abolitionism and English women's protest writing. A certain polarization has crept into recent discussions of abolitionism, with some critics arguing that a relatively benign "cultural racism" in the eighteenth century came to be supplanted by a more aggressive biological racism.' Patrick Brantlinger, for instance, characterizes late eighteenth-century abolitionist writing as more "positive" and "open-minded" about Africa and Africans than the racist and evolutionary accounts that were to follow in the wake of Victorian social science; in his view, the Victorians must bear responsibility for inventing the myth of Africa as the Dark ContinenL2 But while abolitionism may have taken its roots in philanthropy and a new-found enthusiasm for the universal rights of man, the many tracts it spawned contradict such a clear-cut distinction between the earlier and later periods. In its luridness and violence, late eighteenth-century anti-slavery rhetoric points directly, for instance, to the systematic colonization of Africa; it is also rich in the sorts of phobias and bogeys more commonly associated with the later nineteenth century, such as miscegenation, cannibalism, and an essentialist stereotyping of sex and race, such as the perception of white woman's sexuality as a form of degenerate black sexuality. The close association of woman in this earlier period with slavery, luxury, sexual license, and violent cruelty intersects problematically with the second area of oppositional rhetoric I wish to examine: women's protest writing. In seeking to capitalize upon fashionable anti-slavery rhetoric for their own political objectives, women only increased the general murkiness of abolitionist rhetoric, an effect most evident in their employment of the emotive but cliched analogy between their own disenfranchised lot and the plight of enslaved Africans. While these late eighteenth century women both anticipate and confirm Frederick Douglass's claim, in mid nineteenth-century America, that "the cause of the slave has been peculiarly woman's cause," their writings also reveal clearly why any political link between white women and black people ELH 61 (1994) 341-362