This paper seeks to reconcile performative theorizing, which captures the place of systems of thought on foreign policy practice, and broader sociological approaches that link networks and institutions across space, especially as they relate to the global economy. Once developed, the theory, which is termed here 'spatial performativity', is applied to recent efforts to promote industrialization through the development of special economic zones in Ethiopia. In doing so, attention is drawn to a burgeoning area of African and Chinese foreign policy and economic cooperation.

In the years since the end of apartheid, South Africa has emerged from its status as an international pariah to a full fledged member of the international community. Riding a wave of new found legitimacy bolstered by a heroic myth surrounding President Mandela, South Africa began to rethink its role in the world. Perhaps more than Mandela, however, former President Thabo Mbeki laid claim to the title of Africa’s spokesman to the world. Mbeki, through his African Renaissance, cast himself as the embodiment of the modern, postcolonial African blending African tradition and symbolism with the rhetoric of free markets and good governance. What this paper argues is that Mbeki’s Renaissance highlights both what constitutes legitimate policies and behavior and the role of legitimacy and legitimation itself in international relations.

As changes to traditional economic power relationships upend the global economy, there is a resurgent interest in Africa's raw materials by an increasing number of states beyond the traditional post-colonial coterie. These states are not fundamentally altering Africa's status as a small economic player supplying raw goods to the world. But the level of interest, the states involved, and the changing nature of Africa's involvement are raising questions about the long-term benefits and consequences of this renewed interest. Of particular concern is the trend in scale and type of commercial agricultural projects where land deals are slowly consuming vast sections of Africa's agricultural land for export crops. NGOs, a few academics and virtually any news story on the subject inevitably invoke the term neocolonialism. Our argument, however, is that the neo-colonial thesis -as well as the embedded state and neoliberal state theses taken separately -fail to capture the complexity of African commercial agriculture, particularly in the cases of Ethiopia and Mozambique. Despite ample evidence of massive, opaque land deals, investments do not tend to be restricted in bi-lateral ways nor are the investing parties members of the traditional Western world. While the role of elites is similar to the embedded state thesis, deals are mediated via wider market relations and conditions and justified in neoliberal terms. We propose that a synthesis of these latter theoretical strands better captures both the character and outcomes of African land acquisitions in our two case studies, and Africa at large. KdiiinkliJki-lirillNV. l.i'klon.aus ,. •-1)01: l().llK-i/15(iHl;«()-12:-i412í<4 754 D. A. Becker, H. Wittmeyer / Comparative Sociology 12 (2013) 753-784