Models of marriage and family therapy (MFT) typically reflect Western values and norms, and although cultural adaptations are made, many models/frameworks continue to be inappropriate or inadequate for use with non-Western cultures. Worldwide, therapists are examining ways of using MFT models in a culturally sensitive manner, especially when working with clients who are seen as having minority status or perceived as "other" by the dominant group. This essay suggests the use of responsive evaluation as a theoretically consistent methodology for creating and evaluating culturally responsive therapies. This approach rigorously evaluates each unique client/therapist context, culture, power, needs, and beliefs. We describe responsive evaluation and discuss how each component addresses the research needs of examining culturally responsive family therapies. A case illustration is offered delineating the process of conducting culturally responsive therapy with a Cambodian sample using solution-focused and narrative therapy.
Mental health issues are significant contributors to the global burden of disease with the highest incidence in resource poor countries; 90% of those in need of mental health treatment reside in low resource countries but receive only 10% of the world's resources. Cambodia, the eighth least developed country in the world, serves as one example of the need to address mental health concerns in low-income, resource poor countries. The current study utilises responsive evaluation methodology to explore how poverty-stricken Cambodian clients, therapists and supervisors experience Western models of therapy as culturally responsive to their unique needs. Quantitative and qualitative data were triangulated across multiple stakeholders using numerous methods including a focus group, interviews, surveys, case illustrations and live supervision observation and analysed using constant comparative analysis. Emerging findings suggest that poverty, material needs, therapy location and financial situations greatly impact the daily lives and mental health conditions of Cambodians and hinder clients' therapeutic progress. The local community needs and context of poverty greatly hinder clients' therapeutic progress in therapy treatment and when therapy does not directly address the culture of poverty, clients did not experience therapy as valuable despite some temporary decreases in mental health symptoms.
In a large national survey in Cambodia (N = 2689), the present study investigated the prominence of certain culturally salient symptoms and syndromes in the general population and among those with anxious-depressive distress (as determined by the Hopkins Symptom Checklist-25, or HSCL). Using an abbreviated Cambodian Symptom and Syndrome Addendum (CSSA), we found that the CSSA complaints were particularly elevated among those with anxious-depressive distress. Those with anxious-depressive distress had statistically greater mean scores on all the CSSA items as well as severity of endorsement analyzed by percentage: among those with HSCL caseness, 75.3% were bothered “quite a bit” or “extremely” by “thinking a lot” (vs. 27.5% without caseness); 53.8% were bothered by “standing up and feeling dizzy” (vs. 13.8%); and 45.6% by blurry vision (vs. 16.8%). In a logistic regression analysis to predict anxious-depressive distress, 51% of the variance was accounted for by five predictors: “weak heart,” “thinking a lot,” dizziness, “ khyâl hitting up from the stomach,” and sleep paralysis. Using ROC analysis, a cut-off score of 1.81 on the CSSA was optimal as a screener to indicate anxious-depressive distress, giving a sensitivity of 0.86. The study results suggest that to avoid category truncation (i.e., the omission of key complaints that are part of an assessed distress domain) when profiling anxious-depressive distress among Cambodia population that items other than those in standard psychopathology measures should be assessed such as “thinking a lot,” “weak heart,” “blurry vision,” and “dizziness upon standing up.”
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