Ecuador’s innovative approach to social policy and human mobility is reflected in its education policies, specifically those pertaining to access to school. Under Ecuador’s constitutional notion of universal citizenship, youth are not required to have previous academic records to enter the equivalent of K-12 education, regardless of their migratory status. Grade placement is based on a free test, and any identification documents a future student provides are officially deemed valid and sufficient for school registration. Despite these constitutional guarantees, refugee youth still have great difficulty enrolling in school in Ecuador. Drawing from semi-structured interviews with civil employees, NGO staffers, and Colombian refugees conducted in Quito, Ecuador, in 2013 and 2014, I analyze how access to school for Colombian refugee youth is shaped by the official and unofficial rules that regulate the formal education system. Situating policy as practice relative to the daily workings of the state bureaucracy, I analyze how public servants and refugees interpret and enact policy within the state’s administrative structure. I argue that, in this context, the appropriation of education policy and, therefore, access to education are mediated by the workings of bureaucracy. This implies that universal definitions of access to school obscure the contingent and unpredictable character of educational access for refugees. By delving into the manifold interpretations of education policy, this analysis suggests that an inconsistent bureaucracy has the potential to amplify social inequalities among refugees.

Recent years have witnessed violence in educational settings becoming an object of public concern and global mobilisation. International initiatives indicate rising levels of awareness regarding the interconnectedness of violence and education. In this context, international educational agendas identify violence in schools as a challenge to the fundamental rights of children, and as a hindrance to social and economic development. Yet, most of these global initiatives focus on acts of violence-more specifically on teachers' and students' behaviours-neglecting the role of curriculum and textbooks as potential peacebuilding devices. In this study, we analyse the role of textbooks as peacebuilding tools in Colombia and South Africa. These two countries, while situated at different sites on the conflict/post-conflict continuum, both continue to confront the inextricable impact of conflict on social cohesion and peacebuilding. Through an analysis of how Grade 9 social studies textbooks in these countries explain past conflict and how those representations articulate national conflict as part of the peacebuilding process, we find that while there is an extended presence of topics related to conflict and peacebuilding, the textbooks inadequately explore the structural dimension of violence, and the interconnectedness between individual actions, and broader societal arrangements. Rather, through incomplete historical narratives of physical violence, we find that the textbooks analysed become intermediaries of structurally violent regimes, reinforcing the processes and systems that maintain such arrangements.

A major area of critical scholarship within human rights education (HRE) aims to discover HRE’s revolutionary potential by questioning its relationship to the global human rights regime. However, the very concept of “human rights violations” remains underexamined. This article analyzes the use and function of human rights violations as pedagogical devices. Drawing from qualitative data collected in two public high schools in New York City (2014–2015), this study explores the limitations of teaching human rights through the legal definition of human rights violations. In doing so, HRE positions human rights violations primarily as manifestations of direct violence. We argue that to teach human rights violations also as expressions of structural violence can help students cultivate powerful and transformative forms of knowledge.

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