Between the 15 th and the 20 th centuries, Tosora was a small city in the Wajo Kingdom. During its development, Tosora became the centre of global trade of the Bugis civilisation and produced several artefacts of potential cultural heritage value which were damaged during the war with the Dutch in the 20 th century. These artefacts, which include Islamic architecture, urban infrastructure, and graves of important personages of the Wayo Kingdom, risk disappearing if they are not properly managed. This study aims to map both the physical and non-physical historical products of Tosora for their spatial realisation to aid the effort to promote tourism. We mapped the physical development of the area, especially elements of its cultural heritage and activities, to reveal historical facts about the Wajo Kingdom. We used a qualitative approach based on several methods, from GIS-based spatial analysis for connecting activities to synchronic and diachronic reading techniques for analysing elements of urban morphology to study Tosora's development. The study found that the spatial evolution of urban Tosora was related to its historical process since the 15 th century and was based on non-physical forces that influenced the physical urban form of the city. The shift of the government centre from Wajo-Wajo to Tosora in the 17 th century and later to Sengkang in the 20 th century was dominated by social, economic, political and cultural factors. The Wajo Kingdom's end is reflected in the decline in Tosora's functions and roles.

This paper provides an attempt to look at the coffee economy in late colonial Netherlands East Indies, by focusing on the private estates that produced coffee and on the capital-owning class who invested in these estates. Since mid-19 th century there was an increasing accessibility for would-be planters to gain access to land, especially in Java and Sumatra. Attracted to the increasing, if volatile, the world price of the commodity, coffee-producing estates were established in great numbers across the archipelago, despite the threat of the coffee leaf rust plantdisease. Only the attraction to rubber planting and the economic crisis in the 1930s dampened the enthusiasm. At the same time, the individual planters and Indiesbased companies who controlled most of the coffee producing estates in the late 19 th century were gradually replaced by incorporated companies both based in the Indies and in the Netherlands. The increasing flow of capital following the rubber boom in the early 20 th century made the role of individual planters and Indiesbased companies declined further. AbstrakArtikel ini berusaha melihat ekonomi kopi pada masa akhir Hindia Belanda dengan fokus pada perkebunan partikelir yang memproduksi kopi serta pada kelas pemilik modal yang telah berinvestasi pada perkebunan-perkebunan ini. Semenjak pertengahan abad ke-19 terdapat peningkatan akses calon pemilik perkebunan terhadap tanah, khususnya di Jawa dan Sumatra. Tertarik pada komoditas ini yang harganya terus menarik, walau tidak stabil, perkebunan kopi didirikan dalam jumlah yang banyak diseantero kepulauan, meskipun penyakit karat daun kopi terus mengancam. Hanya daya tarik tanaman karet serta krisis ekonomi tahun 1930an yang berhasil mengurangi antusiasme terhadap perkebunan kokpi. Pada saat yang sama, pengusaha perkebunan baik perseorangan maupun perusahaan yang berbasis di Hindia-Belanda yang mengontrol sebagian besar daripada perkebunan kopi pada akhir abad ke-19, diganti secara perlahan oleh perusahaan berbadan hukum yang berbasis di Hindia Belanda ataupun di Belanda. Modal yang semakin banyak mengalir masuk mengikuti boom karet pada awal abad ke-20 telah mengakibatkan penurunan peranan dari pemilik perkebunan perseorangan maupun perusahaanperusahaan berbasis di Hindia Belanda.

The city of Makassar, once named Ujung Pandang, in South Sulawesi, underwent tremendous transformation in the 20th century. This transformation significantly changed the image of the city from a cosmopolitan town to a provincial and “ethnic” city. This article shows that the changes of the city’s image did not happen by itself. There were changing structural conditions, namely demographic and political conditions, which allowed the changes to happen.Since early 20th century the population of the city has grown exponentially. First, in-migrants from the surrounding regions in the eastern part of Indonesia flocked into the city until early 1950s. Second, due to the rebellion and unrest in the countryside of South Sulawesi since 1950 inmigrants, mostly refugees, from Bugis-speaking areas in even larger number swarmed Makassar. Parallel with the demographical changes, the political scene in the city (and the province) was increasingly dominated by politicians and bureaucrats of South-Sulawesi origins. The Permesta rebellion in late-1950s triggered the departure of mostly non-South Sulawesi politicians away from the region leaving the political stage fully in the hands of local politicians. The “ethnic-ization” of the city was made possible by these demographical and political changes.

This paper traces the ways in which rice, as a global commodity, has been produced and sold in various regions in Southeast Asia from the colonial era to the present days. This paper employs a food regime analysis first introduced by Harriet Friedmann (1982) and later developed together with Philip McMichael (1989) to look at the global political economy of rice. In this paper, it will be shown how various colonial and post colonial states in Southeast Asia (including Thailand who was never formally colonized) through their policies have practically divided the region where Burma (now Myanmar), Thailand and Vietnam in the mainland have become major rice producer and exporter, while Indonesia, Malaya (now Malaysia), and the Philippines in the archipelagic Southeast Asia have become major rice importers although at the same time p ro d u c e rs a nd ex p o rt e r s o f ot h e r ag rocommodities (coffee, sugar, rubber).Keywords: rice history, food regime, Southeast Asia ABSTRAK Artikel ini menelusuri cara di mana padi sebagai komoditas dunia diproduksi dan dijual di beberapa daerah di Asia Tenggara mulai zaman kolonial sampai sekarang. Artikel ini menggunakan analisis "food regime" yang pertama kali diperkenalkan oleh Harrier Friedman (1982) dan kemudian dikembangkan bersama oleh Philip (1989) untuk mengetahui politik ekonomi global dari padi. Dalam artikel ini, akan dilihat mengenai bagaimana negara kolonial dan pascakolonial yanb berbed a di Asia T enggara (termasuk Thailand yang tidak pernah dijajah sebelumnya) melalui kebiakannya, yang hampir m e m b a g i w i l a y a h n y a , d i m a n a B u r m a (Myanmar), Thailand, dan Vietnam telah menjadi produsen dan eksportir utama terbesar, sedangkan Indonesia dan Malaya (Malaysia) dan Filipina di Asia Tenggara telah menjadi produsen dan eksportir komoditas pertanian lain (kopi, gula, karet) dalam waktu yang bersamaan.Kata kunci: sejarah beras, food regime, Asia Tenggara.