Previous research has documented that children who do not live with both biological parents fare somewhat worse on a variety of outcomes than those who do. In this article, which is the introduction to the Special Issue on ''Family dynamics and children's well-being and life chances in Europe,'' we refine this picture by identifying variation in this conclusion depending on the family transitions and subpopulations studied. We start by discussing the general evidence accumulated for parental separation and ask whether the same picture emerges from research on other family transitions and structures. Subsequently, we review studies that have aimed to deal with endogeneity and discuss whether issues of causality challenge the general picture of family transitions lowering child well-being. Finally, we discuss whether previous evidence finds effects of family transitions on child outcomes to differ between children from different socioeconomic and ethnic backgrounds, and across countries and time-periods studied. Each of the subsequent articles in this Special Issue contributes to these issues. Population (2017) 33:163-184 DOI 10.1007 evidence on how several less often studied family forms relate to child outcomes in the European context. Two other articles in this Special Issue contribute by resolving several key questions in research on variation in the consequences of parental separation by socioeconomic and immigrant background, two areas of research that have produced conflicting results so far.Eur J
We use the British Cohort Study 1970 to show that the proportion of children achieving a tertiary education degree is 8 percentage points lower for the offspring of separated parents than for children from intact families. Moreover, the children of highly educated parents experience a two times larger 'separation penalty' than the children of less educated parents. We find a similar pattern of heterogeneity in effects for the likelihood of participation in academic education (A-Levels) beyond school leaving age but not for school grades at age 16. We test three different explanations for heterogeneity in the parental separation penalty: changes in family relations, changes in income, and negative selection into separation based on unobserved characteristics. We address the potential endogeneity of parental separation by including pre-separation observable characteristics, individual fixed effects models, and a placebo test. Our key finding is that changes in family income, but not those in family relations or selection, explain a large part of heterogeneity in the effects of parental separation. Children with more highly educated parents face a larger decline in family income if parents separate and, in addition, declines in family income of equal amounts entail more negative consequences for their educational attainment.In recent years, an interesting finding has surfaced in the literature addressing the effects of parental separation on child outcomes. Several studies have found that parental separation has a greater impact on the educational and occupational attainment of children from socioeconomically advantaged backgrounds than on the attainment of their counterparts from more disadvantaged backgrounds (Biblarz and Raferty, 1993;McLanahan and Sandefur, 1994;Martin, 2012). 1 This seems a surprising result. Studies in social stratification have shown that children from advantaged socio-economic backgrounds are less affected by previous negative outcomes and disadvantageous life events that might hinder their future prospect of educational attainment (cf. Bernardi 2014). These 'compensatory effects' in education are often held responsible for the lack of downward mobility of children from higher socio-economic backgrounds (Boudon, 1998). Understanding why such 'compensatory effects' are absent in the case of parental separation could enhance our understanding of the processes that
Based on harmonized census data from 81 countries, we estimate how age and coresidence patterns shape the vulnerability of countries’ populations to outbreaks of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). We estimate variation in deaths arising due to a simulated random infection of 10% of the population living in private households and subsequent within-household transmission of the virus. The age structures of European and North American countries increase their vulnerability to COVID-related deaths in general. The coresidence patterns of elderly persons in Africa and parts of Asia increase these countries’ vulnerability to deaths induced by within-household transmission of COVID-19. Southern European countries, which have aged populations and relatively high levels of intergenerational coresidence, are, all else equal, the most vulnerable to outbreaks of COVID-19. In a second step, we estimate to what extent avoiding primary infections for specific age groups would prevent subsequent deaths due to within-household transmission of the virus. Preventing primary infections among the elderly is the most effective in countries with small households and little intergenerational coresidence, such as France, whereas confining younger age groups can have a greater impact in countries with large and intergenerational households, such as Bangladesh.
The division of domestic work bears little resemblance to the ideals of rational specialization espoused in Becker's (1991) theory. Many sociologists explain this as a manifestation of 'doing gender'. We argue that a multiple equilibrium framework can help account for variations in couple specialization. The framework is dynamic, highlights the presence of competing normative regimes, and it helps empirical identification of Pareto optimal and non-optimal couple specialization. To compensate for the lack of longitudinal data, we seek to capture dynamics by analyzing time use data for three countries that represent distinct stages in the ongoing gender revolution, namely Britain, Denmark and Spain. We identify a traditional, egalitarian and unstable family equilibrium and argue that inefficient and inequitable specialization is primarily associated with the lack of clear normative guidance within unstable equilibria. The traditional equilibrium remains dominant in Spain while Denmark has advanced considerably towards an egalitarian equilibrium. In Britain, the traditional equilibrium is now marginal but no egalitarian alternative has yet emerged. Inefficiency in couple behaviour is therefore especially pronounced. Our equity analyses yield surprising results since we find more equity in Britain than in Denmark. Widespread inequity within Danish couples is almost exclusively due to women being advantaged.
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