BACKGROUND There is a considerable degree of subjectivity and, therefore, substantial interobserver and intraobserver disagreement in the diagnosis and grading of dysplastic lesions in Barrett's esophagus (BE). The aim of this study was to evaluate the usefulness of DNA flow cytometry and immunohistochemical staining for p53 protein as objective methods to complement the conventional histologic diagnosis of dysplasia in patients with this disease. The most common problems and the possible advantages of using these procedures are analyzed briefly in this article. METHODS Formalin fixed, paraffin embedded tissue from 55 patients diagnosed with BE were processed for flow cytometric measurements (ploidy and proliferation index) and p53 immunostaining. RESULTS Both the cytometric data and the positivity of staining for p53 revealed a statistically significant increase throughout the following sequence: no dysplasia → indefinite for dysplasia → low grade dysplasia → high grade dysplasia → adenocarcinoma. There was also a highly significant correlation between the results of the cytometric study and the positivity of staining for p53. CONCLUSIONS In the future, the use of this procedure could play an important role in the evaluation of patients with BE. Considering that staining for p53 is technically simple, economical, and quick, and the materials required are available to most pathology laboratories, this method appears to be a firm candidate for application as a biomarker in BE. The authors have shown that it is possible to obtain adequate results for cytometric analysis with small formalin fixed, paraffin embedded biopsies if a strict protocol for the acceptance of tissue samples and/or histograms is observed. Cancer 1998;83:641‐651. © 1998 American Cancer Society.

No abstract

By examining the demands of labor strikes in the private sector, this article claims that Chilean trade unions have experienced a politization process from the transition to democracy to our days (1990–2019). Assuming a Marxist perspective on the labor process, we propose operationalizing politization into three levels based on the nature of demands: (1) remunerative, (2) related to work conditions, and (3) related to the organization of the labor process. The study regards these three levels as a latent variable ranging from less to more control over the productive process, but, also, as a continuum ranging from more legal demands to more illegal demands according to Chilean labor regulation. The results show an increase of politized demands (i.e. more control and less legality) through the years. This case study sheds light on the consequences of a rigid and ineffective regulation and on the necessity to rethink politics in the workplace.

The Austro Repositioner was effective for short-term treatment of skeletal Class II malocclusion resulting from the retrusion of the mandible in both dolicho- and brachyfacial patients.

This research analyses workers’ mobilization power in Chile through the joint‐cost model, suggesting that wider tactical repertoires, and especially transgressive ones, tend to result in shorter strikes, as a proxy of relative success against the employers. Using the Labor Strike Observatory's original dataset, we study this relation in the Chilean case, where neoliberalism has weakened unions and constrained the occurrence of strikes at the workplace level. We advanced two quantitative methods of analysis. First, using latent class analysis, we identify the tactical repertoires used by strikers. Second, following an event history methodology, we estimate the contribution of each repertoire to the risk of ending the strike. This paper analyses the strategies and milestones of strikers’ actions, shows the greater power of violent tactics compared to peaceful ones at the beginning of the conflict and finally discusses some limitations of the joint‐cost model in the capital–labour relation.