As Igor Kopytoff has well shown, historians were the first to document the specificities of African and Asian systems of slavery in the mid of the 20th century. 1 Anthropologists at that time were reluctant to tackle this subject since they were preoccupied with rehabilitating the much-maligned reputation of the people they studied. As their unease with the topic faded away, a number of pioneering studies appeared that dealt frontally with slavery. 2 Their authors were primarily concerned with the question of a universal definition of slavery, i.e. one that would be applicable to non-Western societies, as well as with the local definitions of slave status and the reconstruction of past indigenous systems of slavery; they also discussed issues such as the Marxian approach to slavery as a mode of production and the cultural variations in systems of slavery. In the mid nineties, however, the research agenda on slavery was significantly impacted and reshaped by a major UNESCO project, launched in 1994 and called 'The Slave Route', which supported the worldwide organization of academic conferences and exhibitions on slavery and the slave trade, and the publication of books on the subject. 3 The interests of anthropologists and historians shifted during this period from questions of slavery as an aspect of indigenous social organization and a mode of production to questions about the cultural implications of enslavement and the trade, especially in the construction of social memory and identity. Indeed,

No abstract

Across the different vernaculars of the world's urban majorities, there is renewed bewilderment as to what is going on in the cities in which they reside and frequently self-build. Prices are unaffordable and they are either pushed out or strongly lured away from central locations. Work is increasingly temporary, if available at all, and there is often just too much labour involved to keep lives viably in place. Not only do they look for affordability and new opportunities at increasingly distant suburbs and hinterlands, but for orientations, for ways of reading where things are heading, increasingly hedging their bets across multiple locations and affiliations. Coming together to write this piece from our own multiple orientations, we are eight researchers who, over the past year, joined to consider how variegated trajectories of expansion unsettle the current logics of city-making. We have used the notion of extensions as a way of thinking about operating in the middle of things, as both a reflection of and a way of dealing with this unsettling. An unsettling that disrupts clear designations of points of departure and arrival, of movement and settlement, of centre and periphery, of time and space.

No abstract

Les Tanôsy du sud de Madagascar s’efforcent de réprimer l’expression, à la fois déplaisante et honteuse, de la mauvaise odeur des vivants. La puanteur cadavérique, elle, n’est ni éliminée ni masquée : aux funérailles, les morts sont longuement exposés, aucun parfum ne dissimule les miasmes de leur décomposition. C’est le devoir des participants (parents, voisins et amis) que de les endurer. Il est ici montré comment l’odeur des morts, toutefois, fait l’objet d’un traitement. La cuisine funéraire est une conversion sensorielle et une production symbolique : cuisinières et convives transforment la viande des bœufs, substituts du défunt, en mets savoureux. L’élaboration et la consommation des repas funéraires manifestent un changement du sens des célébrations : le chagrin de la perte fait place à la jouissance de la fête.