To model behavioral and neural correlates of language comprehension in naturalistic environments, researchers have turned to broad‐coverage tools from natural‐language processing and machine learning. Where syntactic structure is explicitly modeled, prior work has relied predominantly on context‐free grammars (CFGs), yet such formalisms are not sufficiently expressive for human languages. Combinatory categorial grammars (CCGs) are sufficiently expressive directly compositional models of grammar with flexible constituency that affords incremental interpretation. In this work, we evaluate whether a more expressive CCG provides a better model than a CFG for human neural signals collected with functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) while participants listen to an audiobook story. We further test between variants of CCG that differ in how they handle optional adjuncts. These evaluations are carried out against a baseline that includes estimates of next‐word predictability from a transformer neural network language model. Such a comparison reveals unique contributions of CCG structure‐building predominantly in the left posterior temporal lobe: CCG‐derived measures offer a superior fit to neural signals compared to those derived from a CFG. These effects are spatially distinct from bilateral superior temporal effects that are unique to predictability. Neural effects for structure‐building are thus separable from predictability during naturalistic listening, and those effects are best characterized by a grammar whose expressive power is motivated on independent linguistic grounds.
Hierarchical sentence structure plays a role in word-by-word human sentence comprehension, but it remains unclear how best to characterize this structure and unknown how exactly it would be recognized in a step-by-step process model. With a view towards sharpening this picture, we model the time course of hemodynamic activity within the brain during an extended episode of naturalistic language comprehension using Combinatory Categorial Grammar (CCG). CCG has well-defined incremental parsing algorithms, surface compositional semantics, and can explain long-range dependencies as well as complicated cases of coordination. We find that CCG-derived predictors improve a regression model of fMRI time course in six language-relevant brain regions, over and above predictors derived from context-free phrase structure. Adding a special Revealing operator to CCG parsing, one designed to handle right-adjunction, improves the fit in three of these regions. This evidence for CCG from neuroimaging bolsters the more general case for mildly context-sensitive grammars in the cognitive science of language. Mary reads papers NP (S \NP )/NP NP mary ′ λx.λy.reads ′ (y, x) papers ′ > S \NP λy.reads ′ (y, papers ′ ) < S reads ′ (mary ′ , papers ′ ) (a) Right-branching derivation. Mary reads papers NP (S \NP )/NP NP mary ′ λx.λy.reads ′ (y, x) papers ′ >T S /(S \NP ) λp.p mary ′ >B S /NP λx.reads ′ (mary ′ , x) > S reads ′ (mary ′ , papers ′ ) (b) Left-branching derivation.
One aspect of natural language comprehension is understanding how many of what or whom a speaker is referring to. While previous work has documented the neural correlates of general number comprehension and quantity comparison, we investigate semantic number from a cross-linguistic perspective with the goal of identifying cortical regions involved in distinguishing plural from singular nouns. We use three fMRI datasets in which Chinese, French, and English native speakers listen to an audiobook of a children's story in their native language. We select these three languages because they differ in their number semantics. While Chinese lacks nominal pluralization, French and English nouns are overtly marked for number. We find a number of known semantic processing regions in common, including dorsomedial prefrontal cortex and the pars orbitalis, in which cortical activation is greater for plural than singular nouns and posit a cross-linguistic role for number in semantic comprehension.
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