The Hom-1 vesivirus was reported in 1998 following the inadvertent transmission of the animal calicivirus San Miguel sea lion virus to a human host in a laboratory. We characterized the Hom-1 strain and investigated the mechanism by which human cells could be infected. An expression library of 3,559 human plasma membrane proteins was screened for reactivity with Hom-1 virus-like particles, and a single interacting protein, human junctional adhesion molecule 1 (hJAM1), was identified. Transient expression of hJAM1 conferred susceptibility to Hom-1 infection on nonpermissive Chinese hamster ovary (CHO) cells. Virus infection was markedly inhibited when CHO cells stably expressing hJAM were pretreated with anti-hJAM1 monoclonal antibodies. Cell lines of human origin were tested for growth of Hom-1, and efficient replication was observed in HepG2, HuH7, and SK-CO15 cells. The three cell lines (of hepatic or intestinal origin) were confirmed to express hJAM1 on their surface, and clustered regularly interspaced short palindromic repeats/Cas9-mediated knockout of the hJAM1 gene in each line abolished Hom-1 propagation. Taken together, our data indicate that entry of the Hom-1 vesivirus into these permissive human cell lines is mediated by the plasma membrane protein hJAM1 as a functional receptor.

The Goldschmidt thesis (1947, 1978) maintains that increasing farm size in the United States has undermined the well‐being of rural communities. Recent studies have cast doubt on this, however. We analyze data for nonmetropolitan counties in the United States, and also incorporate indicators of the nonfarm economic sector into our analysis so that we can explore the net effect of farm structure on well‐being. In addition, we distinguish nonmetropolitan counties by their level of farm dependency. Our study fails to support the Goldschmidt thesis.

Contemporary research on the modern civil rights movement stresses the importance of a triad pattern of civil rights protest, white violence, and federal intervention. We explore the role of the U.S. Supreme Court in constraining federal intervention in response to white supremacist violence during Reconstruction. We conclude that Supreme Court decisions played an important role in defeating the Reconstruction‐era civil rights movement by minimizing the likely benefits to be gained from civil rights advocacy. Future scholarship should further examine the impact of federal court decisions on the political opportunity structure facing social movements.

It is the contention of this article that Robert Michels’ Iron Law of Oligarchy is overdeterministic. Rather than depicting a conservative and nonrepresentative oligarchy as inevitable, this article asks: What factors affect whether there are changes in the policy and strategy stances of protest leaders over time, and whether such changes are in the direction of increased conservatism? Borrowing from the theoretical premises of the resource mobilization perspective on protest movements, this article isolates three key factors: (1) the outcome of past protest strategies for various subgroups within the protest organization; (2) shifts in the attitudes of existing organizational members; and (3) the attempts to mobilize a significantly more heterogeneous constituency. It is argued that in response to these factors, protest leaders may move in the direction of increased radicalism, as well as increased conservatism. Further, it is argued that increased conservatism in and of itself does not signal any change in the degree to which leaders represent their constituents. In the second section of the article, this theoretical argument is explored by drawing upon evidence from the agrarian protest movement of the late nineteenth century.