The standard model of police culture assumes that internal and external stress shapes police culture and that this culture promotes certain styles of policing. This model has been tested using a survey of police officers in the Netherlands. The street-level culture of the Dutch police has some elements in common with what we know from Anglo-Saxon studies, but there are also important differences. Dutch rank-and-file police are less conservative, the machismo element is less dominant and the fundamental mistrust of strangers is not as widespread. The findings of this study generally correspond with the causal relations of the model. Remarkably, no relationship was found between the professional police style and cultural elements in the police.
Police require public trust to do their work well. Recognising this, police organisations across Europe implement various methods to gain trust: trust-building strategies. Surprisingly, the field of trust in the police and police legitimacy has paid scant attention to what the police actually do to improve trust. The present contribution outlines an approach to understanding police trust-building strategies in their social and institutional context applying a comparative, dynamic perspective. Departing from the assumption that trust and legitimacy exist in a dialogue between the public and the police, the author argues that trustbuilding strategies develop in an unpredictable, dynamic complex of interrelated social and institutional factors. What is seen as a suitable trust-building strategy is determined by dominant 'rationalised myths', ways of thinking about what good police work should look like. These are shaped by a diverse range of different actors and factors. This complex affects each phase in the development of police trust-building strategies: problem recognition, generation of strategies, and adoption of strategies. Illustrating the value of the socio-institutional approach towards trustbuilding strategies, each of these phases is discussed in the context of a comparative, dynamic study of police trust-building strategies in England and Wales, Denmark, and the Netherlands. It is argued that this more sophisticated understanding of trust-building in its social and institutional context does not just tell us something about the police, but also helps us understand how state institutions shape and maintain their position in the complex environments of our changing societies.
While procedural justice theory has become the dominant paradigm in thinking about police legitimacy, it has several important weaknesses. First, procedural justice's conceptually essential distinction between ‘process’ and ‘outcome’ is blurred in reality, which is visible both in empirical operationalizations and in researchers’ understanding of police work. Second, procedural justice theory views society through an implicit consensus lens, making it poorly equipped to address police–citizen conflicts and structural societal inequalities. This is evident in the theory's inability to unpack the dynamics of police–citizen interactions and its reluctance to problematize the police role in contemporary plural societies. To advance our understanding of police legitimacy and police–citizen relations, particularly among marginalized groups, we strongly recommend working toward theoretical renewal and empirical diversification.
Several countries have introduced mandatory higher education for all police officers. However, we have scant empirical knowledge about the arguments and debates underlying these systems. This contribution unpacks the ‘politics of higher police education’ in Norway, Finland, and North Rhine-Westphalia. We discuss the circumstances and dominant actors’ views, expectations, and arguments involved in the introduction and evolution of higher police education, and how to understand similarities and differences between these three countries. We find that similar arguments recurred in each case: helping the police adapt to a changing society, making the police profession more attractive, preventing police education from lagging behind similar professions, and improving police–citizen relationships. Specific historical or political contexts and organizational arrangements also played important roles in the introduction and shaping of higher police education. The higher police education systems as such are seen as legitimate, but there are fierce ongoing debates on both substance and form.
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