Background Complete streets require evaluation to determine if they encourage active transportation. Methods Data were collected before and after a street intervention provided new light rail, bike lanes, and better sidewalks in Salt Lake City, Utah. Residents living near (<800 m) and far (≥801–2000 m) from the street were compared, with sensitivity tests for alternative definitions of near (<600 and <1000 m). Dependent variables were accelerometer/global positioning system (GPS) measures of transit trips, non-transit walking trips, and biking trips that included the complete street corridor. Results Active travel trips for Near-Time 2 residents, the group hypothesized to be the most active, were compared to the other three groups (Near-Time 1, Far-Time 1, and Far-Time 2), net of control variables. Near-Time 2 residents were more likely to engage in complete street transit walking trips (35%, adjusted) and non-transit walking trips (50%) than the other three groups (24–25% and 13–36%, respectively). Bicycling was less prevalent, with only one of three contrasts significant (10% of Near-Time 2 residents had complete street bicycle trips compared to 5% of Far-Time 1 residents). Conclusions Living near the complete street intervention supported more pedestrian use and possibly bicycling, suggesting complete streets are also public health interventions.

Few studies examine how objectively measured use of local physical activity resources contributes to objectively-measured healthy physical activity and weight changes over time. We utilized objective measures to test whether changes in active travel and uses of three physical activity (PA) resources–parks, recreation centers, and transit– related to changes in PA and BMI. Adults (n = 536) in Salt Lake City, UT, wore accelerometer and GPS units in 2012 and 2013, before and after neighborhood rail completion. Regression outcomes included accelerometer counts per minute (cpm), MVPA (moderate-to-vigorous activity minutes/10 h accelerometer wear) and measured BMI; key predictors were changes in active travel and PA resource uses (former and new uses). Significant results (all p < 0.05) showed that increased active travel related to increased total PA (59.86 cpm and 8.50 MVPA); decreased active travel related to decreased MVPA (− 3.01 MVPA). Poorer outcomes were seen after discontinuing use of parks (− 36.29 cpm, − 5.73 MVPA, and + 0.44 BMI points), recreation centers (− 6.18 MVPA), and transit (− 48.14 cpm, − 5.43 MVPA, and + 0.66 BMI). Healthier outcomes were seen after commencing use of parks (29.83 cpm, 5.25 MVPA), recreation centers (44.63 cpm) and transit (38.44 cpm, 4.17 MVPA, and − 0.56 BMI). Transit and park/recreational center uses were unrelated, although park users were more likely to be recreation center users. Active travel and use of three neighborhood PA resources relate to healthy activity and could be fostered by policy and design.

Although complete street policies are proliferating, little is known about how nearby residents perceive and act on their new active transportation opportunities. We survey the same neighborhood residents before and after they receive a new complete street renovation with five new light rail stops. We compare Time-1 expectations to use rail with Time-2 evidence of rail use, based on both self-reported and objective GPS/accelerometer measures of ridership. We examine neighborhood perceptions of four groups, created by combining Time-1 expectations to ride with Time-2 ridership: No expect/no ride, no expect/ride, expect/no ride, and expect/ride. The strongest differences were between the no expect/no ride and expect/ride groups. The riders had more positive expectations for light rail's impact on the neighborhood than non-riders; these broad expectations were more powerfully associated with rail ridership than individual barriers to use, such as time constraints or weather. More positive perceptions of the route to rail stops (pleasantness, traffic safety, and crime safety) were also held by riders. Some of the more positive perceptions helped distinguish between the expect/ride group and the expect/no ride group. These results underscore that increasing positive neighborhood perceptions might help convert expected riders into actual riders. Keywords light rail; ridership; expectations; neighborhood perceptions; perceived walkability; GPS "Complete street" policies and designs give priority to active transportation and transit to allow residents and others to travel without requiring dependence on their cars. Over 900 states and localities in the U.S. have adopted complete street policies (Smart Growth America 2016), but most research to date focuses on the challenges of policy adoption (Moreland-Russell et al. 2013). We know less about how residents view complete street

Understanding who takes advantage of new transit (public transportation) interventions is important for personal and environmental health. We examine transit ridership for residents living near a new light rail construction as part of “complete street,” pedestrian-friendly improvements. Adult residents (n=536) completed surveys and wore accelerometer and GPS units that tracked ridership before and after new transit service started. Transit riders were more physically active. Those from environments rated as more walkable were likely to be continuing transit riders. Place attachment, but not perceived physical incivilities on the path to transit, was associated with those who continued to ride or became new riders of transit. This effect was mediated through pro-city attitudes, which emphasize how the new service makes residents eager to explore areas around transit. Thus, place attachment, along with physical and health conditions, may be important predictors and promoters of transit use.

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