No abstract

Both France and Spain used schooling as a vehicle in service of colonization during the Protectorate era in Morocco, whereas Moroccans retaliated with counter-hegemonic tools to resist and interrogate imposed educational models in order to implement their oppositional agendas. Thus, the paper is threefold: it attempts to revisit and sketch out both colonial policies in education with their ramifications, while outlining and analyzing their strengths and limitations. The study also seeks to investigate how Moroccans establish resistance movements to react to the newly-imposed colonial hegemonies, such as free schools and reformed traditional Qur’anic schools (Msids), discussing their goals, structures, success and failure. Finally, the paper explores colonial education as a site of interaction or “contact zones” between French and Spanish colonizers and elite Moroccan Muslims and Nationalists who sought to counter the processes of acculturation, marginalization and subalternization. The study covers the Moroccan schooling system from 1912 to 1956. The study dwelled on the congruity of education as an ideological apparatus to shape identity and/or dominate in a battlefield over power between the Protectorate powers and the Moroccan nationalists, who made use of different discourses as an instrument of power. This essay unravels some conclusions that both French and Spanish Protectorates utilized different vistas to establish and sustain their hegemonies through education and instruction, such as Franco-Berber schools and Spanish-Arab/Spanish-Jewish schools respectively. While, Moroccan Muslims and nationalists countered the former hegemonies through creating a free-school system and reforming traditional Qur´anic schools.

This study aims to uncover the relationship between Sufism and religious tourism. In other words, it attempts to shed light on the standards that make people, from different parts of the world, travel in precise times for religious reasons. In addition, this study tries to highlight the effects of that kind of travels on people's daily demeanours. Thus, this study was conducted in Fez city, Morocco, at zawya of Sidi Ahmed Tijani. The relevant data was collected qualitatively and quantitatively. The results showed that tourists who come to the zawya of Sidi Ahmed Tijani are practitioners of religious tourism since they travel from their homelands to Morocco, more precisely in Fez in order to fulfil their religious needs. Also it is shown that Tijani tourists experience a sort of cathartic process during their visits.

Historically, Islam has always served as a vehicle for the expression of socio-political and economic dissent, particularly in times of crisis. Muslims have been exposed to a variety of ideologies over the past century. The colonial period introduced certain Western values but did not truly provide Muslims with experience in genuine capitalist or liberal democratic governance. More important, these ideologies never represented the independent and conscious choice of the population, nor were they widely internalized. This paper draws on aspects from the role of political Islam in countering both the post-colonial and globalization discourses. Besides, it sheds light on how Islam has become a central point of reference for a wide range of political activities, arguments and opposition movements. Finally, this paper provides an in-depth scrutiny and the deconstruction of what political Islam is because power and politics in political Islam are so aberrant and drastically evolving that a research can barely delimit political Islam or Islamism. In the last few decades, the role of religion in international affairs has become more prominent, and has attracted the academy's and the public's attention. Religion never went away, and it was never privatized. Only the historically exceptional French model of privatization led us think religion is excluded from the public square. I believe the claims that God is back is merely to refer to the coming back of religion as a social problem.