No abstract

Kalanchoe blossfeldiana variety Tom Thumb was treated photoperiodically in regular and CO2-free air and examined at two widely separated time intervals for interrelationships among flowering, succulence, capacity for CO2 dark-fixation, and organic acid formation. These processes and leaf thickening are all under photoperiodic control and increase with increasing numbers of short-day treatments. They also occur in a CO2-free atmosphere on 9-hour photoperiods although CO2 dark-fixation and organic acid formation are limited to the low level of the long-day treated plants at 5 weeks' time. Only CO2 dark-fixation and organic acid formation appear to be interrelated and apparently utilize respiratory CO2 if treated in a CO2-free atmosphere. This capacity to use respiratory CO2 increases with maturity of the plants. Flowering does not control the development of succulence, organic acid formation, or the capacity for CO2 dark-fixation. Likewise, capacity for dark-fixation and organic acid formation do not control flowering and can occur in vegetative Tom Thumb plants that do not exhibit appreciable succulence.

Many observers believe that multi-party democracy increasingly represents the inevitable future of governance around the world, including Africa. Some countries such as South Africa, Ghana, Kenya, and Senegal have in fact made remarkable progress in instituting and moving toward consolidation of democratic systems. There has also been a history on the continent, however, of political systems that place de facto or de jure legal constraints on the ability of political parties to function. In fact, in recent years many African leaders have only grudgingly permitted multi-party politics under donor pressure. There remains a current of underlying skepticism toward political parties, and arguments exist against multi-party politics. This paper identifies and explains five key arguments. It then critiques them and determines that while individual elements of these arguments may have some validity, the conclusion that is drawn, i.e. that party activity should be constrained, if not prohibited, is not consonant with democratic governance. The final section presents suggestions of how weaknesses in political party functioning could be addressed without placing limits on

The focus of this article is on efforts undertaken within the United States government, especially the US Agency for International Development, to develop a coherent approach to determining the effectiveness of its democracy support programming. The main four priority areas are to support: civil society development; competitive political processes; the rule of law; and governance. The article begins by asking the question of why this issue is important. It then provides context, and briefly assesses varying perspectives and motivations of different stakeholders. It examines and critiques current approaches being taken to ‘measure performance’ and concludes by suggesting some potentially useful policy and research directions. These include instituting structural reforms to enhance the independence of the evaluation process, disaggregating approaches to assessing the impact of programming, focussing on priority countries, and expanding use of integrative methodologies.

The Universal Periodic Review Mechanism (UPR) ofthe UN Human Rights Council and the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) reflect a growing trend in intemational organizations to utilize peer review processes to assess and improve member state govemance and human rights performance. The two mechanisms are distinct in many ways. For example, the APRM undertakes a more in-depth and rigorous examination of a broader range of issues. Both review mechanisms, however, also have similarities e.g. they emphasize follow-up and actions to be taken as a result ofthe reviews and are products of a consensus decision-making process based on voluntary engagement. They represent an evolutionary process by which intemational norms can be integrated in a national context.