The world over, Peace Agreements remain the most frequently used means of ending conflict. For more than five decades, the Southern part of Sudan (now South Sudan) has been plagued by armed conflict, despite numerous conflict resolution efforts by both regional, international state and Non-State Actors. The study evaluates the influence of architectural design of the 2015 Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan (ARCISS 201 and the 2018 Revitalised-Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan, (R-ARCISS 2018) on Security Sector Reforms (SSRs). The study was anchored on John Paul Lederach’s peace-building theory, social constructivism, Arnstein’s ladder of Citizen participation and securitisation theory. The study primarily adopted a descriptive cross-sectional survey design, with correlational and explanatory research elements. Quantitative and qualitative data collection methods were used. Questionnaires, Content Analysis Guides, and focus Group discussions were also used. Target population was former and current members of armed groups in South Sudan. Snowball sampling was used to identify the respondents that were surveyed. Key informants were purposively sampled based on the individuals that could provide the most comprehensive information on the variables of interest to the study. For explanation and clarification, data from the study were presented using descriptive statistics such as tables, pie charts, bar graphs, and percentages, as well as inferential statistics. Findings indicated that the designs of both Peace Agreements are weak. As far as the process is concerned, weaknesses appear primarily where there were a limited number of mechanisms to address impediments to the agreement, little agreement on the ownership of natural resources, inadequate modalities of navigating the interests of external actors, and poor handling of differing political interests. It is recommended that a new process for a strong peace agreement be initiated, and that it should be preceded by rigorous baseline surveys so as to address some of the contentious root causes of the conflict such as negative ethnicity and militarisation along ethnic lines.

United Nations (UN) Peace Keeping Operations (PKOs) are often faced with numerous challenges. These include lack of clarity in implementation procedures, environmental challenges including language as well as, different customs, and ideology existing within the mission groups among others. This study sought to examine the challenges to the execution of the UN Mandate with reference to the "UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic", (MINUSCA). Data was obtained from books, e-books, journals, UN publications and websites. The collected data was analyzed thematically so as to establish the efficacy of UN intervention in light of the identified contemporary challenges. The findings show that the execution of the UN Mandate in the Central African Republic is implemented in a complex environment. The UN during its planning for PKOs may have not considered the national institutional capabilities in CAR that were expected to support MINUSCA in the execution of its Mandate. It can also be concluded that challenges to the MNUSCA mandate execution lie in the ability and capability of the rehatted troops from MISCA to MINUSCA which emanated from the inherent inability of the UN to raise enough troops for its PKOs. In this regard, the principles of peacekeeping; impartiality, consent and non-UoF except in self-defense as well as the defense of the mandate must be reviewed so as to be effective in contemporary PKOs.

Though the United Nations (UN) has mandated the use of force, in most missions, innocent civilians continue to be attacked and killed. Focused on the “UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic”, (MINUSCA), the study investigated the effectiveness of the use of force (UoF) in the Protection of Civilians (PoC). The study was anchored on Liberalism theory. This was a library-based research that relied on secondary data. Data was obtained from books, e-books, journals, UN publications and websites. The collected data was analysed thematically. The findings show that the UoF in the PoC has positive impact on the execution of the MINUSCA mandate since early 2017 and has helped to reduce levels of armed violence. Although UoF was perceived as being effective in CAR, it was faced with some challenges. This was due to the fact that it was seen as directly targeting one party to the conflict; an act which is perceived to be against the principles of PKOs. The UoF must be supported by proper conflict analysis prior to the signing of a peace agreement, troops with a capability and training matching the task, and committed to the use of force. Missions with PoC mandate must be matched by an appropriate military capability beyond the normal infantry battalion capability. Troops deployed to PKOs should not be deployed on the basis of just the will of the member state, but the troops must have the capacity and capability to undertake the UN mandate.

Sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) continues to undermine UN operations thereby affecting the efficacy of these interventions. This study aims at investigating the extent of “allegations of SEA by intervention force with reference to UN intervention in contemporary African conflicts: A Case of Central Africa Republic (CAR).” This was a library-based research that relied on secondary data. Data was obtained from books, e-books, journals, UN publications and websites. The collected data was analysed thematically so as to establish the extent of allegations of sea by intervention force in CAR. The findings show that UN interventions force in CAR is faced with a myriad of challenges that affect its mandate execution. Much as there has been some positive output in MINUSCA operations, these successes have been shadowed by some of these challenges. SEA has been widespread in Central African Republic, though some of the allegations date before the UN intervention, the wide perception of the populace is that the UN forces are to blame. From the study it can also be concluded that the UN has its hands tied and has not been able to effectively enforce investigations by the TCCs since this a responsibility of the Troop/Police Contributing Countries (T/PCCs). Given the fact that the UN always faces a challenge of raising troops for PKOs it does not want to lose this ability further by blacklisting TCCs who fail to complete such investigations and punish the offenders. The system wide measures put in place in support of the ‘Zero tolerance policy” have not been effective. Since the study has established that SEA is a real challenge facing PKOs, there should also be effort to make sure that each country takes direct responsibility for the crimes perpetuated by their contingents and failure to complete investigations and conclude such cases should be enforced by strict penalties including banning from participation in Peacekeeping Operations (PKOs).