This study explored bilingual school psychologists' assessment practices with students identified as English language learners (ELL). One thousand bilingual National Association of School Psychologist members were recruited nationwide, and 276 participated. Among those conducting language proficiency assessments of ELLs, many (58%) use comprehensive methods across four domains of language use. Participants generally use multifaceted assessment approaches and most (84.1%) assess acculturation as part of the assessment battery. Although few use interpreters, those who did reported a mix of best practices and discouraged practices in their use. Multiple regression results showed that engaging in continuing education activities about assessing ELLs predicted “best practices” when assessing language proficiency, selecting and using measures with ELLs with whom they share a second language, and using interpreters. A relationship was also found between engaging in applied preservice training with bilingual supervision and best practice behaviors assessing student acculturation. © 2010 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

At present, several forces within and outside of U.S. psychology are converging to have a marked influence on the field, on the nature of psychological service delivery, and on the training of future psycho logists. In response to the country's everincreasing demographic diversity and the distinct needs of diverse clientele, a number of health and mental health professional organizations have endorsed standards related to providing appropriate, culturally responsive care to clients. In 2001, the National Association of Social Workers released Standards for Cultural Competence in Social Work Practice, which outlines guidelines and expectations for social workers about their provision of culturally competent services. In the past dozen years in medicine, the American Academy of Pediatrics endorsed three policies in 1999, 2004, and 2008, each emphasizing pediatricians' need for training in and responsibility to provide culturally effective health care (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2008). Similarly, the 2003 adoption of the American Psychological Association's (APA) Guidelines on Multicultural Education, Training, Research, Practice, and Organizational Change for Psychologists and the APA's 2009 Resolution in Support of Ethnic Minority Training in Psychology are two of the most recent efforts by psychology's premier professional organization to articulate the need for culturally relevant services and to call for training in cultural competence.This confluence of voices has been joined by others calling for a critical look at the challenges, needs, and social realities of diverse clients, and the responsibilities of mental health providers to respond to those experiences to improve quality of life. Among the most prominent voice was the U.S. Surgeon General's, as articulated in the Mental Health: Culture, Race, and Ethnicity-A Supplement to Mental Health: A Report of the Surgeon General (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services [DHHS], 2001), which highlighted disparities in mental health care in access, availability, utilization, and quality of care linked to race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status (DHHS, 2001). Numerous other reports and data have since emerged describing the mental health needs of diverse clients, and the current status and limitations of psychological research and practice related to meeting those needs (e.g.,

One indicator of school psychology's capacity to provide culturally responsive practice is the percentage of articles in leading school psychology journals that have a “significant diversity focus.” To date, there have been three published empirical studies (Brown, Shriberg, & Wang, ; Miranda & Gutter, ; Rogers Wiese, ) that have defined and examined this construct. These three articles collectively provide empirical data on the percentage of articles appearing in leading school psychology journals that met criteria from a time period spanning 1975–2003. This manuscript provides the results of the most recent iteration of this study, covering the years 2004–2010. In this study, 15.5% of articles met criteria, up from figures found from 1975–1999, but a decline from the 2000–2003 figure of 16.9%. Several potential implications of this ongoing lack of empirical and theoretical scholarship are offered.

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Although school psychologists are called on a daily basis to advocate for the needs of our nations' schoolchildren, little is known about the factors that contribute to effective school-based advocacy. This study involved face-to-face interviews with 21 award-winning school psychology advocates. They described what led them into advocacy, obstacles faced, successes experienced, mistakes made, strategies used, resources employed, skills needed, and changes observed. The advocates discussed their definitions of advocacy, how they find balance, their advice for newcomers, and how they empower others. Following a qualitative content analysis, their collective input yielded important findings, including indispensable advice for future advocates. Most suggested that beginners' build relationships with like-minded collaborators and the targets of their advocacy, devote time to building expertise, and be patient and persistent. Common obstacles included intransigence among school psychology colleagues who were reluctant to change their roles to reflect new developments in the field or who feared participating in advocacy would destabilize their positions. To fully embrace an advocacy role, most advised advocacy education and training for both existing school psychologists and newcomers to the field. Limitations and implications that inform a foundation for advancing advocacy within school psychology are discussed.