Sexual violence is a widely reported problem in college communities. To date, research has largely focused on bystander intervention as one way to help prevent this problem. Although perceived consequences of bystander intervention, such as the weighting of costs and benefits, have been examined, little research has explored what happens after a bystander intervenes. The current study investigated what bystanders report as perceived outcomes and actual consequences of their bystander actions in response to risk for sexual assault. Of the 545 surveyed, 150 reported having taking bystander action in the past month and qualitatively described their bystander behavior and the responses of those parties involved. A range of behavioral responses and intervention methods were identified. The most frequent responses reported by participants were victims conveying positive and perpetrators conveying negative responses. Different types of helping were associated with bystanders reporting different types of responses to their actions. Future research should incorporate additional measures of consequences of bystander intervention. Implications for policy and bystander intervention programs are discussed, stressing the need for bystander intervention programs to address a range of bystander behaviors and explain the potential consequences and risks of intervening.

The current study examines the persistence of victimization and poly-victimization (i.e., count of multiple types of victimization) across various stages of development (ages 0–5, 6–12, and 13–18) and the related impact on adult well-being. Participants were 2,098 adults from the Appalachian region of three Southern states. Eighty-two percent of participants reported at least one type of victimization during childhood. Among adult victims, 22.6% reported one victimization in one developmental stage (i.e., one stage, but no poly-victimization), 45.8% reported one victimization in more than one stage (i.e., persistent victimization, but no poly-victimization), 20.5% reported multiple types of victimization in one stage (i.e., poly-victimization), and 11.2% reported multiple types of victimization at more than one stage (i.e., persistent poly-victimization). Results indicated a linear decline in subjective well-being, mental health, and number of healthy days as victimization becomes more persistent across childhood and more diverse in types (i.e., poly-victimization). Study findings provide support for models of victimization that take both developmental trajectories and poly-victimization into account.

Previous research has examined barriers to helping in situations involving interpersonal violence, though little has investigated the outcomes of interventions that actually do take place. The purpose of the present study was to explore how consequences that bystanders experienced in helping situations varied by characteristics of the incident, including the type of interpersonal violence (i.e., harassing comment, dating violence, unwanted sexual advances, and controlling behavior) and the bystander's relationship to the victim and perpetrator. We also examined whether these outcomes impacted the likelihood that bystanders would help again. Participants ( n = 1,391) were recruited from a university psychology subject pool and Amazon Mechanical Turk during fall 2016. They completed online or in-person surveys consisting of quantitative measures. Descriptive statistics showed that bystanders experienced both positive (e.g., positive reactions from the victim) and negative consequences (e.g., negative reactions from others) after helping. Analyses of variance revealed that helping in instances of dating violence was associated with more negative consequences, while helping in situations of unwanted sexual advances was associated with more positive consequences. Regression analyses showed that bystanders were more likely to help again when they experienced more positive and less negative feelings about their actions. Analyses of variance demonstrated that when the victim was a close friend, bystanders reported more positive consequences and desire to help again. However, bystanders reported more negative reactions from the perpetrator when the perpetrator was a stranger. Implications for adapting intervention programming to promote the likelihood that bystanders will help in future situations are discussed.

Recently, much research has been dedicated to understanding how to prevent and address the aftermath of sexual assault (SA) on traditional 4-year college and university campuses in the United States. However, less scholarly attention has been paid to 2-year institutions, commonly known as community colleges. This review illuminates the different situational contexts faced by community college students, compared with students at 4-year colleges. These differences are shaped by community college characteristics, student demographics, and geographic location of their students. Community colleges enroll a higher percentage of women, first-generation students, and low-income students than 4-year colleges. Furthermore, community colleges are academic homes to the most racially and ethnically diverse student population, with higher numbers of African Americans, Latinos, immigrants, and nonnative English speakers. These populations (e.g., women, racial minorities, first-generation, low-income) are at a greater risk for SA; yet, 2-year institutions have less funding and resources available to address SA on their campuses. Thus, this article reviews the problem of campus SA on community colleges and highlights the challenges that 2-year institutions face in comparison with those that 4-year institutions face when implementing SA prevention and response strategies. Then, a case study of a 3-year project on one nonresidential and seven community colleges is presented, which illustrates how 2-year institutions can forge relationships with community professionals to address SA on their campuses.