Although human activity constantly generates massive amounts of data, these data can only be analysed by mainly the private sector and governmental institutes due to data accessibility restrictions. However, neither migrants (as the producers of this data) nor migration scholars (as scientific experts on the topic) are in a position to monitor or control how governments and corporations use such data. Big Data analytics and Artificial Intelligence (AI) technologies are promoted as cutting-edge solutions to ongoing and emerging social, economic and governance challenges. Meanwhile, states increasingly rely on digital and frontier technologies to manage borders and control migratory movements, and the defence industry and military–intelligence sectors provide high-tech tools to support these efforts. Worryingly, during the design and testing of algorithmic tools, migrants are often portrayed as a security threat instead of human beings with fundamental rights and liberties. Thus, privacy, data protection, and confidentiality issues continue to pose risks and challenges to migrant communities and raise important questions for the public and decision-makers alike. This comment seeks to shed light on the lack of effective regulation of AI and Big Data as they are applied in migration ‘management’. Additionally, from the perspective of privacy issues and immigrant rights (seeking asylum as a human right, it aims at advocating improved access to Big Data for scientific research which might act as a social control function for the smart border and existing/ongoing migration governance practices of countries. We argue that the use of Big Data and AI for migration governance requires much better collaboration between migrants (including the civil society and grassroots organisations solidarity that represent them), data scientists, migration scholars and policymakers if the potential of these technologies is to be reached in a way that is reasonable and ethical. Numerous critical privacy questions arise are regarding the legal requirements, confidentiality, and rules of engagement as well as the ethical concerns of (mis)use of new technologies. When the secretive nature of the ongoing exploitation of migrant data by states and corporations is considered raising such questions is essential for progress.

Surveillance capitalism has recently emerged as a key concept in interpretations of global technology companies' business models as seen in Zuboff's (2019) study analysing the transition of some Silicon Valley companies into global monopolies within just a few decades. In this paper, I argue that this business model has turned into a structural element of modern-day capitalism with implications for migration and border management. Through an analysis of the technological tools being developed and used for migration and border management, the article will help to understand the power dynamics underlying surveillance capitalism.The tragic outputs of technological products for the management of migration and border security have recently entered the agenda of the academic community and activist networks. Studies have shown companies investing in border security and migration management, examine their lobbying activities and argue that refugees are being used as subjects in the development of surveillance technologies (Achiume, 2020;Akkermann, 2021;Latonero, 2019;Molnar, 2020). Analysing these, as a whole, within the scope of the surveillance capitalism provides clues of how enmeshed the interests of technology companies, military and security corporations, security bureaucracy and governments are, (Privacy International, 2021) and the oligarchic form of these interests.Although surveillance capitalism discussions mainly focus on the commercial and political aspects to send personalized messages to users, this paper argues that the manifestation of surveillance capitalism in migration and border management would allow us to understand the development of new surveillance tools (lie detectors, facial recognition systems and sensors) that would eventually affect all humanity. Therefore, this is not only related to migrants and borders, such an analysis will illuminate which direction global capitalism is gravitating through cutting-edge technologies and envisage the possible tech-oriented dystopic future at the end of the road.

Bu makalede göç çalışmaları ve demokrasi teorilerine katkıyı amaçlayan bir teorik çerçeve sunulacaktır. Demokrasi teorilerinin/siyaset teorisinin önemli kavramlarından olan kamusal alan ile göç çalışmalarında göçmen ağlarının önemini gündemine alan ulusötesi alanın birlikte değerlendirmesi her iki teorik yaklaşımı da güçlendirecek bir imkan sunmaktadır. Bunun bir yönü göçmen toplu-luklarının ulusötesi alanının özelliklerinin ve gündemlerinin kamusal alanı etkilemesi ve her iki alan arasında sürekli bir etkileşimin olmasıdır. İkinci yönü ise ulusötesi alanın bazı özelliklerinin kamusal alan niteliği göstermesi ve belirli açılardan ulusötesi alanın bir kamusal alan hüviyetinde açığa çıkmasıdır, bu açıdan iki kamusal alanın çakıştığı bir mekandaki ilişkiler değerlendirilmektedir. Bu teorik çerçeve Almanya’daki Türkiyeli göçmenlerin misafir işçilikten kalıcılığa geçişine dair tarihsel perspektif üzerinden temellendirilecektir.ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHPublic Space and Migration: An Examination of the Transnational Space of Immigrants from Turkey in GermanyLarge number of migrants, who have been employed in various industries for decades, who pay taxes, are consumers and carry out their obligations are however unable to fully participate in the political process because of limitations and requirements of citizenship policies. In some cases they are even barred from having a say in local administration. Representation and participation processes are however not limited to voting or being represented in the central or local administration. For instance, many Turkey-origin immigrants in Germany who are unable to vote in municipal elections can be elected as worker representatives and distinguish themselves as outstanding political figures, as they speak on behalf of all workers. This article elaborates transnational social spaces of immigrants as a unique form of public sphere and demonstrate the similarities between the birth of the public sphere and formation of the transnational social space focusing on the experiences of Turkey-origin migrant workers in Germany.