Patterns of developmental change in phonetic perception are critical to theory development. Many previous studies document a decline in nonnative phonetic perception between 6 and 12 months of age. However, much less experimental attention has been paid to developmental change in native-language phonetic perception over the same time period. We hypothesized that language experience in the first year facilitates native-language phonetic performance between 6 and 12 months of age. We tested 6-8- and 10-12-month-old infants in the United States and Japan to examine native and nonnative patterns of developmental change using the American English /r-l/ contrast. The goals of the experiment were to: (a) determine whether facilitation characterizes native-language phonetic change between 6 and 12 months of age, (b) examine the decline previously observed for nonnative contrasts and (c) test directional asymmetries for consonants. The results show a significant increase in performance for the native-language contrast in the first year, a decline in nonnative perception over the same time period, and indicate directional asymmetries that are constant across age and culture. We argue that neural commitment to native-language phonetic properties explains the pattern of developmental change in the first year.

Studies of the McGurk effect have shown that when discrepant phonetic information is delivered to the auditory and visual modalities, the information is combined into a new percept not originally presented to either modality. In typical experiments, the auditory and visual speech signals are generated by the same talker. The present experiment examined whether a discrepancy in the gender of the talker between the auditory and visual signals would influence the magnitude of the McGurk effect. A male talker's voice was dubbed onto a videotape containing a female talker's face, and vice versa. The gender-incongruent videotapes were compared with gendercongruent videotapes, in which a male talker's voice was dubbed onto a male face and a female talker's voice was dubbed onto a female face. Even though there was a clear incompatibility in talker characteristics between the auditory and visual signals on the incongruent videotapes, the resulting magnitude of the McGurk effect was not significantly different for the incongruent as opposed to the congruent videotapes. The results indicate that the mechanism for integrating speech information from the auditory and the visual modalities is not disrupted by a gender incompatibility even when it is perceptually apparent. The findings are compatible with the theoretical notion that information about voice characteristics of the talker is extracted and used to normalize the speech signal at an early stage of phonetic processing, prior to the integration of the auditory and the visual information.Over the past four decades, extensive research has been done on the psychological processes underlying the perception and production of spoken language. Much of this research has focused on how the listener processes the acoustic structure of speech in order to arrive at the intended meaning of an utterance.Although speech perception has primarily been considered an auditory process, recent studies have shown that visual information provided by movements of a talker's mouth and face strongly influences what an observer perceives (Green

The present study used magnetoencephalography (MEG) to examine perceptual learning of American English /r/ and /l/ categories by Japanese adults who had limited English exposure. A training software program was developed based on the principles of infant phonetic learning, featuring systematic acoustic exaggeration, multi-talker variability, visible articulation, and adaptive listening. The program was designed to help Japanese listeners utilize an acoustic dimension relevant for phonemic categorization of /r-l/ in English. Although training did not produce native-like phonetic boundary along the /r-l/ synthetic continuum in the second language learners, success was seen in highly significant identification improvement over twelve training sessions and transfer of learning to novel stimuli. Consistent with behavioral results, pre-post MEG measures showed not only enhanced neural sensitivity to the /r-l/ distinction in the left-hemisphere mismatch field (MMF) response but also bilateral decreases in equivalent current dipole (ECD) cluster and duration measures for stimulus coding in the inferior parietal region. The learning-induced increases in neural sensitivity and efficiency were also found in distributed source analysis using Minimum Current Estimates (MCE). Furthermore, the pre-post changes exhibited significant brain-behavior correlations between speech discrimination scores and MMF amplitudes as well as between the behavioral scores and ECD measures of neural efficiency. Together, the data provide corroborating evidence that substantial neural plasticity for second-language learning in adulthood can be induced with adaptive and enriched linguistic exposure. Like the MMF, the ECD cluster and duration measures are sensitive neural markers of phonetic learning.

Research has shown that speaking rate provides an important context for the perception of certain acoustic properties of speech. For example, syllable duration, which varies as a function of speaking rate, has been shown to influence the perception of voice onset time (VOT) for syllableinitial stop consonants. The purpose of the present experiments was to examine the influence of syllable duration when the initial portion of the syllable was produced by one talker and the remainder ofthe syllable was produced by a different talker. A short-duration and a long-duration Ibi/-/pil continuum were synthesized with pitch and formant values appropriate to a female talker. When presented to listeners for identification, these stimuli demonstrated the typical effect of syllable duration on the voicing boundary: a shorter VOT boundary for the short stimuli than for the long stimuli. An IiI vowel, synthesized with pitch and formant values appropriate to a male talker, was added to the end of each ofthe short tokens, producing a new hybrid continuum. Although the overall syllable duration of the hybrid stimuli equaled the original long stimuli, they produced a VOT boundary similar to that for the short stimuli. In a second experiment, two new IiI vowels were synthesized. One had a pitch appropriate to a female talker with formant values appropriate to a male talker; the other had a pitch appropriate to a male talker and formants appropriate to a female talker. These vowels were used to create two new hybrid continua. In a third experiment, new hybrid continua were created by using more extreme male formant values. The results ofboth experiments demonstrated that the hybrid tokens with a change in pitch acted like the short stimuli, whereas the tokens with a change in formants acted like the long stimuli. A fourth experiment demonstrated that listeners could hear a change in talker with both sets of hybrid tokens. These results indicate that continuity of pitch but not formant structure appears to be the critical factor in the calculation of speaking rate within a syllable.During nonna! conversation, talkers make frequent and extensive changes in their overall speaking rate (Miller, Grosjean, & Lomanto, 1984). Such changes are accomplished by modifying the frequency and duration of pauses, as well as the overall articulation rate of phonetic segments. Changes in the articulation rate result in a large