In exchange for sizable tax exemptions, not-for-profit hospitals must engage in activities that meet the Internal Revenue Service's community benefit standard. The provision of charity care-free care to those unable to pay-can help meet that standard. Bad debt, the other form of uncompensated care, cannot be used to meet the standard, although Medicaid shortfalls can. However, the ACA lacks guidelines for providing charity care, and federal law sets no minimum requirements for community benefit activities. Using data from California, we examined whether the levels of charity and uncompensated care provided differed across general acute care hospitals by profit status and other characteristics during 2011-13. The mean proportion of total operating expenses spent on charity care differed significantly between not-for-profit (1.9 percent) and for-profit hospitals (1.4 percent), in contrast to the mean proportion spent on uncompensated care. Both types of spending varied widely across hospitals. Policy makers should consider measures that remove disincentives to meeting the persistent considerable need for charity care-for example, increasing supports to offset rising Medicaid shortfalls resulting from program expansion-and facilitate the tracking of ACA impacts on the distribution of charity care and uncompensated care delivery.
Introduction After having an acute myocardial infarction (AMI), racial and ethnic minorities have less access to care, decreased rates of invasive treatments such as percutaneous coronary intervention (PCI), and worse outcomes compared with white patients. The objective of this study was to determine whether the Affordable Care Act’s expansion of Medicaid eligibility was associated with changes in racial disparities in access, treatments, and outcomes after AMI. Methods Quasi-experimental, difference-in-differences-in-differences analysis of non-Hispanic white and minority patients with acute myocardial infarction in California and Florida from 2010–2015, using linear regression models to estimate the difference-in-differences. This population-based sample included all Medicaid and uninsured patients ages 18–64 hospitalized with acute myocardial infarction in California, which expanded Medicaid through the Affordable Care Act beginning as early as July 2011 in certain counties, and Florida, which did not expand Medicaid. The main outcomes included rates of admission to hospitals capable of performing PCI, rates of transfer for patients who first presented to hospitals that did not perform PCI, rates of PCI during hospitalization and rates of early (within 48 hours of admission) PCI, rates of readmission to the hospital within 30 days, and rates of in-hospital mortality. Results A total of 55,991 hospital admissions met inclusion criteria, 32,540 of which were in California and 23,451 were in Florida. Among patients with AMI who initially presented to a non-PCI hospital, the likelihood of being transferred increased by 12 percentage points (95% CI 2 to 21) for minority patients relative to white patients after the Medicaid expansion. The likelihood of undergoing PCI increased by 3 percentage points (95% CI 0 to 5) for minority patients relative to white patients after the Medicaid expansion. We did not find an association between the Medicaid expansion and racial disparities in overall likelihood of admission to a PCI hospital, hospital readmissions, or in-hospital mortality. Conclusions The Medicaid expansion was associated with a decrease in racial disparities in transfers and rates of PCI after AMI. We did not find an association between the Medicaid expansion and admission to a PCI hospital, readmissions, and in-hospital mortality. Additional factors outside of insurance coverage likely continue to contribute to disparities in outcomes after AMI. These findings are crucial for policy makers seeking to reduce racial disparities in access, treatment and outcomes in AMI.
Introduction Uninsured patients have decreased access to care, lower rates of percutaneous coronary intervention (PCI), and worse outcomes after acute myocardial infarction (AMI). The aim of this study was to determine whether expanding insurance coverage through the Affordable Care Act's expansion of Medicaid eligibility affected access to PCI hospitals, rates of PCI, 30-day readmissions, and in-hospital mortality after AMI. Methods Quasi-experimental, difference-indifferences analysis of Medicaid and uninsured patients with acute myocardial infarction in California, which expanded Medicaid through the Affordable Care Act, and Florida, which did not, from 2010-2015. This study accounts for the early expansion of Medicaid in certain California counties that began as early as July 2011. Main outcomes included rates of admission to PCI hospitals, rates of transfer for patients who initially presented to non-PCI hospitals, rates of PCI, rates of early PCI defined as within 48 hours of hospital admission, in-hospital mortality, and 30-day readmission. Results 55,991 hospital admissions between 2010-2015 met inclusion criteria. Of these, 32,540 were in California, which expanded Medicaid, and 23,451 were in Florida, which did not. 30day readmission rates after AMI decreased by an absolute difference of 1.22 percentage points after the Medicaid expansion (95% CI-2.14 to-0.30, P < 0.01). This represented a relative decrease in readmission rates of 9.5% after AMI. No relationship between the Medicaid expansion and admission to PCI hospitals, transfer to PCI hospitals, rates of PCI, rates of early PCI, or in-hospital mortality were observed.
This paper highlights the role of community prevention in improving overall health and in supporting health equity. By addressing the underlying causes of illness and injury, community prevention efforts can prevent illness and injury before they occur. The paper presents three frameworks that support quality community prevention efforts. The first, Taking Two Steps to Prevention, analyzes the underlying causes of illness, injury and health inequities and helps identify key opportunities for intervention and prevention. The second framework, the Spectrum of Prevention, guides users in thinking through the elements of a comprehensive community prevention strategy: strengthening individual knowledge and skills; promoting community education; educating providers and leaders (in all sectors); fostering coalitions and networks; changing organizational practice (within government, health institutions and workplaces, among others); and influencing policy and legislation. Both Taking Two Steps and the Spectrum are explained through the demonstration of two successful and ongoing community prevention efforts: first, preventing smoking; and second, promoting breastfeeding. The third framework, Collaboration Multiplier, focuses on developing sustainable interdisciplinary partnerships capable of addressing a variety of health and social problems. Collaboration Multiplier provides a matrix that clarifies the contributions that different sectors bring to a particular health or social problem and helps develop a shared language and understanding for working together.
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