In this paper, we explore how individual women cope with the tensions between economic forces encouraging temporary labour migration and cultural norms tying ''proper'' women to their homes and families. Combining in-depth interviews with returned migrant women in the Georgian capital of Tbilisi with secondary migration data for the region, we illustrate the recent increases in Georgian women's participation in international labour migration. Deteriorating economic conditions in Georgia leave women with few local opportunities to financially support their families, while institutional changes have altered the accessibility and attractiveness of international destinations, leading to increasing motivations and opportunities for women's migration. Focusing on the contradictions between growing female migration and persistent adherence to cultural norms stigmatizing migration in Georgia, we explore the cognitive strategies migrant women employ in an attempt to balance internalized perceptions of acceptable gendered behaviour with their migration choices. Two key pathways of adaptation emerge: framing migration as a necessity rather than a choice and stressing the unique and individually exceptional nature of their own migration experience. We posit that these strategies may serve to limit the norm-challenging nature of women's migration in Georgia. Although migration is often described as an empowering experience for women, if women migrants work to present their migration in a way that fits within the bounds of traditional gender norms, these norms may be strengthened rather than challenged.

Previous research suggests Hispanic vaccination rates for H1N1 were similar to non-Hispanic whites. These previous estimates do not take into account nativity status. Using the 2010 National Health Interview Survey, we estimate adult H1N1 vaccination rates for non-Hispanic whites (n = 8780), U.S.-born Hispanics (n = 1142), and foreign-born Hispanics (n = 1912). To test Fundamental Cause Theory, we estimate odds of H1N1 vaccination while controlling for flexible resources (e.g., educational and economic capital), ethnicity, and nativity status. Foreign-born Hispanics experienced the lowest rates of H1N1 vaccination (15%), followed by U.S.-born Hispanics (18%) and non-Hispanic whites (21%). Regression models show odds of H1N1 vaccination did not differ among these three groups after controlling for sociodemographic characteristics. Insufficient access to flexible resources and healthcare coverage among foreign-born Hispanics was responsible for relatively low rates of H1N1 vaccination. Addressing resource disparities among Hispanics could increase vaccination uptake in the future, reducing inequities in disease burden.

While frequently discussed, the feminization of migration remains among the least understood trends in migration literature. Existing research links feminization of migration to socioeconomic change in migrant origin countries, changes in destination-country labor markets, structural factors, and changing social attitudes. However, questions of how the feminization of migration begins and how it becomes socially institutionalized remain largely unanswered. Having experienced a recent, dramatic increase in female migration, Georgia provides an excellent case to study the emergence of women's labor migration. Our findings highlight the importance of human capital, increasing divorce rates, and an absence of local economic opportunities in motivating increasing numbers of women to migrate. Additionally, changing destination patterns and shifts in labor-market demand toward feminized occupations act as key initial conditions enabling the growth of women's migration. As migration is feminized, cultural beliefs stigmatizing female migrants can be renegotiated to frame women's migration within normative gender approaches, providing pathways for cultural maintenance. In the early stages of the feminization of migration, we find the initial attempts to reframe migration are powerful; they can challenge, or at least delay, the expansion of women's autonomy that is often associated with migration.Historically, scholars of migration have conceptualized labor migrants as male breadwinners, perhaps reluctantly followed by wives and children (Lee, 1966), but labor migrants are often women migrating alone, supporting hus-1

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