RESUMOObjetivo: avaliar opiniões na população brasileira sobre incentivos para a doação de óvulos. Métodos: a abordagem descritiva transversal foi usada para consultar o público brasileiro. A coleta de dados envolveu o uso de um questionário estruturado sobre as questões legais e éticas que cercam a doação de óvulos. Os indivíduos foram selecionados aleatoriamente a aprtir da população em geral, utilizando diferentes listas de e-mail. Os potenciais participantes foram contactados por e-mail e convidados a participar do estudo através do preenchimento de um questionário na web, online. Resultados: um total de 1565 pessoas completaram o estudo, incluindo 1284 mulheres (82%) e 281 homens (18%).Entre os entrevistadois, 1309 (83.6%) eram graduados universitários, 1033 (66%) tinha,m se consideravam religiosos e 518 (33,1%) eram pro--siderassem que as mulheres podem doar seus óvulos por razões altruistas, a maioria acredita que a falta de doações de óvulos é devida à proibição de pagamentos (64,3%) e que os incentivos facilitariam a decisão de doar oócitos (84,7%). A maioria dos participantes seja, pagando a doadora) seria a solução mais prática para aumentar o número de doações de óvulos.Estes resultados tendem a ser independentes de sexo, idaConclusões: embora o Conselho Federal de Medicina proíba pagamentos para a doação de óvulos, a maioria dos participantes do estudo não teve objeção a compensação para doadoras de óvulos.Além disso, a maioria dos participantes concordou que um incentivo finaceiro é a solução mais prática para aumentar o número de doações de óvulos. Palavras-chave: doação de óvulos;pesquisa; FIV; ética; opinião pública. ABSTRACTObjective: The objective of this study was to assess the opinions of the Brazilian population about incentives for oocyte donation. Methods: A cross-sectional descriptive approach was used to consult the Brazilian public. The data collection involved the use of a structured questionnaire about legal and ethical issues surrounding oocyte donation. Individuals were randomly selected from the general population using different e-mail lists. Potential participants were contacted by e-mail and invited to participate in the study by completing an online web survey. Results: A total of 1,565 people completed the survey, including 1,284 women(82%) and 281 men(18%). Among the respondents, 1,309(83.6%) were university graduates, 1,033(66%) had a perconsidered themselves to be religious and 518 (33.1%) were health professionals. While many participants believed that women may donate their oocytes for altruistic reasons, the majority believed that a lack of oocyte donations is due to the prohibition of payments(64.3%) and that incentives would facilitate the decision to donate oocytes(84.7%). The majority of the participants(65.3%) agreed that a financial incentive(i.e., paying the donor) would be the most practical solution for increasing the number of oocyte donations. These results tended to be independent of gender, age, income, religion, education level and profession. Conclusion: ...

In line with variationist sociolinguistics interests (LABOV, 2006(LABOV, [19662008[1972), this Master's thesis focuses on variable (L) in syllable coda (alto vs. arto 'tall') and in complex onset (cliente vs. criente 'client') in São Miguel Arcanjo (SMA), a town in the countryside of São Paulo state.The collected sample consists of 24 sociolinguistic interviews in SMA, stratified by sex/gender (masculine; feminine), age group (18-25; 30-40; 50+ years old), level of education (elementary; high school) and region of residence (rural or urban). In the case of the last category, SMA is clearly divided in these two regions, which differ from one another socioeconomically and, hypothetically, also sociolinguistically. One of the main goals of this research is to investigate whether local linguistic usage correlates with the rural-urban differentiation.Both qualitative and quantitative analyses have been carried out, with the former showing that rotic (L) in syllable coda is strongly avoided by SMA speakers, with rotic tokens not even reaching 1% of the data sample. Therefore, rotic (L) in syllable coda can be categorized as a local stereotype, as per Labov (2008 [1972]) and Bortoni-Ricardo (2011). In complex onset, results of statistical tests suggest that the rotic variant tends to be avoided by younger speakers, those with a higher level of education and those who live in the urban area. This confirms the hypothesis that rotic (L) would tend to occur more in rural speakers' speech.Quantitative analyses further suggest a change in progress in SMA, where the norm would have been to pronounce complex-onset (L) as a rotic; but with a pattern of change towards the non-rotic pronunciation of (L) in this context, with [l] being used as standard or in accordance with the "normative norm" (FARACO & ZILLES 2017). This change could move towards the rural areas, where we currently observe stable variation and resistence to linguistic standardization.Finally, this thesis shows that, although stigma can be associated with rotic (L) in complex onset, since women and speakers with higher levels of education tend to avoid it, half of our informants do not even notice rotic (L) when they are asked "What do you think of this sentence: O Dougras imprica com tudo 'Douglas questions everything'" (with rotic L). Thus, in spite of the obtained results of statistical tests, it is not possible to firmly state that rotic (L) is actually stigmatized SMA.