Background Unaccompanied young refugees constitute an especially vulnerable population, reporting high rates of trauma and mental health problems. There is a significant gap in the literature on trauma and posttraumatic stress symptoms (PTSS) in unaccompanied young refugees who are still on the move and live in precarious circumstances such as refugee camps. This study therefore aimed to contribute to this gap by investigating pre- and peri-migration (potentially) traumatic experiences of unaccompanied young refugees; longitudinal trajectories of trauma, daily stressors and PTSS; and the impact of gender, trauma, and daily stressors on PTSS over time. Methods This longitudinal, mixed-method, and multi-country study was conducted in various settings (e.g. refugee camps, reception centers) across nine European countries. A heterogeneous sample of N = 187 unaccompanied young refugees (78.4% male) from 29 different countries was assessed via interviews at 3 time-points during a period of 27 months. Data was analyzed via growth curve modelling. Results Prevalence rates of (potentially) traumatic experiences ranged from 29.5 to 91.9%. Peri-migration traumatization remained stable over time (b = − 0.02; p = 0.371), but the number of reported daily stressors (b = − 0.24; p = 0.001) and PTSS scores significantly decreased over time (b = − 0.98; p = 0.004). Females reported higher PTSS compared with males at baseline (p = 0.002), but gender did not influence the longitudinal trajectory of PTSS. The pre-migration trauma load and daily stressors at baseline did not have a significant effect on PTSS at baseline or on the longitudinal trajectory. Conclusions This is the first study to document not only the high numbers of traumatic events for unaccompanied young refugees pre- and peri- migration, but also the continued traumatization during flight, as well as high rates of daily stressors and PTSS. Humanitarian and political assistance is urgently needed to curb the often life-threatening conditions unaccompanied young refugees face during migration.

Migration, especially under stressful circumstances, places pressure on parental capacities. At the same time, being part of a supportive family is of prime importance for the well‐being of migrating children and parents. In this paper, we highlight the impact of the living conditions in a collective asylum centre on asylum applicants' parenting experiences through in‐depth interviews with and participant observations among parents in a Belgian asylum centre. Differentiating between the influences of the organizational and physical environments of the centre, our results reveal that various organizational aspects limit parental agency and well‐being and often render parents powerless in raising and protecting their children. Their physical environment, consisting of a dilapidated building, is experienced as a nonwelcoming, dangerous environment that leaves insufficient opportunity to establish a safe and stable home. We conclude that there is almost no attention paid to asylum applicants' parental role within the collective reception facilities. Further, their individual parental responsibility is emphasized, whereas the difficult environment of the asylum centre in which they have to raise their children is not criticized.

Assimilation theory assumes that differences between migrants and nonmigrants disappear over generations. We report on a Flemish survey study conducted with young first-(G1), second-(G2) and third-(G3) generation migrants (n = 1,587). The results showed that G1 and G2 had lower chances of being in educational tracks preparing for higher education than non-migrants. Further, G1 and G3 migrants with a background in the oldest fifteen members of the European Union (EU15) and G1 and G2 adolescents of non-EU15 migrants ran a higher risk of being delayed in their educational trajectories. All three generations of non-EU15 migrants had lower expectations of finding a job than non-migrants. Whereas socio-economic status could explain almost all of the differences for EU15 migrants, it could not for non-EU15 migrants. This leads to the hypothesis that visible differences and distinctive names lead to assumptions about ethnic, cultural and religious affiliations that are associated with discrimination.

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