Organ availability for transplantation has become an increasingly complex and difficult question in health economics and ethical practice. Advances in technology have seen prolonged life expectancy, and the global push for organs creates an ever-expanding gap between supply and demand, and a significant cost in bridging that gap. This article will examine the ethical implications for the nursing profession in regard to the procurement of organs from an impoverished seller's market, also known as 'Transplant Tourism'. This ethical dilemma concerns itself with resource allocation, informed consent and the concepts of egalitarianism and libertarianism. Transplant Tourism is an unacceptable trespass against human dignity and rights from both a nursing and collective viewpoint. Currently, the Australian Nursing and Midwifery Council, the Royal college of Nursing Australia, The Royal College of Nursing (UK) and the American Nurses Association do not have position statements on transplant tourism, and this diminishes us as a force for change. It diminishes our role as advocates for the most marginalised in our world to have access to care and to choice and excludes us from a very contemporary real debate about the mismatch of organ demand and supply in our own communities. As a profession, we must have a voice in health policy and human rights, and according to our Code of Ethics in Australia and around the world, act to promote and protect the fundamental human right to healthcare and dignity.

This paper uses social constructionism to critically explore the social world of intensive care units, and to consider how the presence of mental health consumers impacts on nursing practice. Following a series of interviews with intensive care nurses, our analysis suggested consumers are disenfranchised through stigma, policing, and inattention to psychosocial needs. We argue that the maintenance of knowledge and power networks are fundamental aspects of reality maintenance in intensive care. The social reproduction of typifi cations among nurses about consumers positioned these patients as disrupting the proper business of intensive care units; a process that we argue is bound up with the imbalanced power relationships. Further, intensive care staff maintain power structures serving intensive care interests, such as physiological rescue and the preservation of biomedical authority. We conclude that the production and reproduction of intensive care nursing knowledge maintains a social-power structure at odds with the needs of consumers.

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