Students are compelled, in examination situations, to use langue properly for an effective communication of their ideas and a grammatical formulation of their answers. Improper use of language is, in this respect, often sanctioned in various glaring ways. Despite this linguistic and examination requisites, students-often advertently or inadvertently-violate language rules, sometimes under the influence of intensive/frequent use of particular communication technology. This paper explores the influence of technology-particularly the SMS (Short Messages) texting-on the use of English language by Nigerian university students, in a typical pedagogical situation. It focuses specifically on students of the College of Education, Akamkpa in Nigeria. Based on a content analysis of 250 SMS messages generated by 50 third year students of the institution and answers scripts produced in an examination situation by these students, the paper demonstrates that intensive use of the SMS texting affects students' language literacy. Texting influences them to consciously or unconsciously transfer the pattern of written proper for SMS messaging into their essays. The paper shows features of the SMS language observed in both SMS messages by the students and their answer scripts. The five most dominant features include vowel deletion, graphones, alphanumeric homophony, punctuation 'errors' and initialization among others.

This chapter examines Nigerian online journalists' reception of Donald Trump's shithole remarks through a content analysis of 126 articles published online by 12 leading Nigerian newspapers, from January 2018 to January 2019. The chapter argues that Trump's shithole remarks engendered mitigated reactions from the Nigerian public, particularly from Nigerian online journalists. The greatest portion of these journalists' articles (over 68.73% of what they published online) hastened to endorse Trump's insult rhetoric and gloomy description of their country, presenting Trump's comment as a vivid depiction of the Nigerian socio-political and economic reality. In their articles, Nigerian journalists mainly used Trump's insult rhetoric as a tool to lambast the Nigerian leadership and lament the degradation of living conditions in their country. One thing that unfortunately remains evident and relatively deplorable in their reactions is the fact that little attention was given to the one-sidedness and exaggeration in Trump's comments. Based on such a premise, the journalists' endorsement of Trump's comments were in themselves one-sided and exaggerative, as they deliberately overlooked the positive facets of life in Nigeria and sounded as if Nigeria is all about negativities and doom.

This paper presents an investigation into Nigerian female journalists’ definition of their role vis-à-vis the two concepts of women’s empowerment/emancipation and feminism. It examines the level to which the country’s media and social environment are conducive to feminist journalistic expression. The paper argues that although a good number of female media producers in the country, demonstrate a strong adherence to feminism and women’s empowerment/emancipation, they are hindered from fully materialising their orientation. These hindering factors include, among others, patriarchal socio-professional fixations, weak female representation at decision-making levels in the media, and limited financial resources to create gender sensitive programmes.

This chapter describes how the Nigeria-based civil society initiatives have, of late, deployed digital activism in a bid to mobilize both endogenous and exogenous institutions against the terrorist group, Boko Haram. One of these anti-terrorism movements is the #BringBackOurGirls campaign which was launched in May 2014, following the abduction by Boko Haram of 276 schoolgirls, in the Northeastern village of Chibok (Nigeria). The #BringBackOurGirls” movement quickly attracted support from millions of voices (including Heads of States, their wives and celebrities) all over the world. In spite of its internationalization, the campaign has variously been critiqued. Many critics have arguably equated it with mere “clickitivism”. Using empirical understandings, this chapter appraises the #BringBackOurGirls campaign vis-à-vis the fight against terrorism in Nigeria. The chapter starts by examining the genesis of the movement and its progressive trans-nationalization. It proceeds to exploring the extent to which the movement could be seen as “clicktivism”; and ends with a review of some of its successes.

Most of the spiritual programs organized by mega Pentecostal and charismatic churches in Nigeria constitute serious touristic attractions, which over the years, have immensely been contributing to socio-economic development in the country. These programs pull a multitude of national and international expectant tourists, who in the course of satisfying their various spiritual pursuits, often get involved in many other cultural and recreational activities. Hinging on empirical understandings, this chapter examines the extent to which these religious programs contribute—or may contribute—to tourism and socio-cultural development in Nigeria, particularly in host communities. The chapter equally explores some of the challenges of religious tourism in Nigeria. It is specifically anchored on the three following questions: (1) Which are the major religious activities attracting tourists in Nigeria? (2) To what extent foreign tourists' attendance at these programs does not only benefit the churches? and (3) How could these programs further contribute to tourism development in Nigeria?