The coronavirus pandemic has already caused high numbers of deaths, massive economic disruption, and had a huge impact on daily lives of millions of people. In short, – this is everything terrorist organizations affiliated with the ISIL and Al-Qaida would want to achieve with their attacks. The global pandemic serves as inspiration and influences the modus operandi of terrorists, both in terms of tactics and target selection. Since the pandemic started, the ISIL and Al-Qaida have persisted in operations across African, Asian and European countries, leaving hundreds of people dead. These attacks clearly show that terrorism has continued worldwide during the COVID 19 pandemic. Terrorist groups are looking at ways to take advantage of instability, increase recruitment and sympathizers among the vulnerable and terrified, encourage conventional and even biological attacks. Terrorist networks have encouraged followers to weaponise their own illness by trying to infect others. Terrorist groups also use the pandemic to gain visibility. The ISIL has been exploiting hashtags related to the coronavirus to redirect users to its radical propaganda. Terrorists have also found inspiration in the global pandemic with regard to their target selection, in particular critical health infrastructures. In Afghanistan, the Taliban has adopted a different approach to COVID 19 assisting efforts to limit the spread of the virus, including by declaring ceasefires in areas under its control. Hezbollah is working to fight the virus and maintain order within Lebanon. Because they control informal economies, groups like the Taliban or Lebanon’s Hezbollah are better placed to benefit from coronavirus than the ISIL or Al-Qaida. In general, terrorist groups are taking advantage of COVID 19 lockdowns to spread hatred and intensify social media efforts to recruit young people spending more time online.

The relationship between Turkey and the Taliban* from the late 1990s to date has gone through periods of decline, when Ankara sided with the collective West and the pro-Western governments of Afghanistan, and recovery, when Turks attempted to mediate in the Afghan conflict and then forged links with the new Taliban* government. In light of these circumstances, the author analyzes the long-standing historical ties between Turkey and Afghanistan in the context of the shared Islamic culture of the two peoples. The author notes the Taliban’s accumulated grievances against the Turkish side are noted, including the provision of a forum for the Afghan opposition forces to exchange views as well as Ankara’s demands for the principle of inclusivity in the formation of authorities and respect for human rights in Afghanistan. It is possible that Ankara could become more or less involved in the internal Afghan conflict, which contradicts its own policy of a neutral player in Afghanistan. The author draws attention to the Taliban’s* pragmatic approach to the development of relations with Turkey, especially in the areas of economy and education. The author concludes that, despite some difficulties in its relations with the Taliban government, Ankara is determined to increase its geopolitical influence in the region with a focus on Central Asia and thus tries to enhance its value for its NATO allies. The analysis reveals Turkey’s desire to strengthen its presence in Afghanistan and become an important regional player. However, in the current circumstances, the Turks do not yet have an opportunity to have a serious impact on Kabul. * the organization is banned on the territory of the Russian Federation

The article is devoted to comparative analysis of Iran's relations with the Taliban in the past 30 years. The conducted research suggests that these relations can be divided into three stages: confrontational, pragmatic and public. Tehran's initial reliance on the anti-Taliban Northern Alliance led to a serious confrontation with the Taliban in the 1990s. The realization of the need to contain the United States led to a change in Tehran’s critical approach to the Taliban to a pragmatic one. The transformation of the Iranian elite’s views coincided with the start of the Taliban insurgency in the country. With the transition from hostility to pragmatism, Iran began to provide military assistance to the Taliban. The success of the Taliban in confronting government and coalition forces, the intensification of Washington’s efforts to reach agreements with the Taliban, as well as Pakistan and Saudi Arabia’s actions in the same direction, contributed to the reformatting of Tehran’s relations with the Taliban into public ones. The author notes that Iranian-Taliban ties have never been a strong alliance, with each side respecting its own interests. Formal non-recognition of the Taliban regime by Tehran does not hinder the development of trade economic relations. The author comes to the conclusion that Iranian pragmatism contributed to the establishment of normal relations between Tehran and Kabul, which is important for regional stability at the present stage. But uncertainties in terms of further development of Afghanistan under the Taliban can revive the painful problems for both sides.

The article analyzes the reasons that prompted the Arab states to consolidate their efforts and create the League of Arab States. Attention is focused on the deep differences that existed between the states that came forward with the idea of strengthening Arab unity and determined the nature of this regional organization and the features of its charter, which provided its members with the opportunity to preserve their political system, sovereignty and the specifics of foreign policy.The heterogeneous nature of LAS had an impact on its the goals and objectives. The focus of this organization was to protect pan-Arab interests and support all Arab states in achieving political independence.The aggravation of the situation in Palestine after the Second World War became a central item on the agenda of all the Arab League meetings. This organization indicated its position on the Palestinian issue in the preparatory period for its official proclamation. The article discusses the activities of the Arab League, aimed at introducing a complete boycott of Israel, which, amid expansion of the Arab League, other Arab states also joined. The Arab-Israeli conflict, due to the targeted efforts of the Arab League, consolidated the Arab geopolitical community and contributed to the formation of a national Arab identity. The LAS in its documents built a common Arab narrative, having two underpinnings: the recognition of the Palestinian Arab people as a victim of the Western powers and Zionists, as well as foreign policy of Israel.The article traces the relationship between the activities of the Arab League and the changes that have occurred in the regional and international environment. The gradual transition of the Arab League to the search for a political settleme maintain Arab unity by using the traditional tool – the unresolved Arab-Israeli conflict. The LAS member-states should have taken a pan-Arab stance on the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict in order to preserve national identity. The refusal of all Arab League members to accept the American settlement plan, proposed by D. Trump administration in early 2020, was a confirmation that this regional organization retains its position as a defender of Arab unity and pan-Arab interests.

Аннотация. В статье исследуются проблемы взаимосвязи между пандемией коронавируса и масштабным вооруженным конфликтом в Афганистане. Важным элементом этой проблемы является деятельность движения «Талибан» 1 в условиях распространения COVID-19 в стране. В первом разделе автор концентрирует свое внимание на параметрах заболеваемости и характере борьбы с новой инфекцией в стране в условиях слабой системы общественного здравоохранения. Обращается внимание на отсутствие достаточных возможностей тестирования и национального реестра смертей, что затрудняет выявление точных масштабов пандемии. Во втором разделе автор анализирует проблему связанных с пандемией тяжелых социально-экономических последствий для населения Афганистана -резкий рост безработицы, бедности в условиях, когда экономика, в основном, зависит от внешней помощи. Порожденные пандемией социально-экономические потрясения приводят к радикализации отчаявшихся людей, особенно молодежи, и подталкивают их к пополнению рядов джихадистов. В третьем разделе статьи освещается достаточно гибкая реакция талибов на пандемию при сохранении четкой линии на противостояние с официальными властями. Автор показывает смену тактики движения «Талибан» от неприятия вакцинации к взаимодействию с неправительственными организациями для оказания медицинских услуг населению отдаленных районов страны. Своевременному предоставлению населению медицинских услуг способствовали ранее созданные талибами сложные системы параллельного управления на контролируемых территориях. Автор приходит к выводу, что, заполнив гуманитарный вакуум, созданный COVID-19, путем оказания медицинских услуг населению, движение «Талибан» стремится продемонстрировать международному сообществу, что они готовы эффективно управлять государством в будущем после прекращения боевых действий.