This paper investigates the morphology of truncation and reduplication processes in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). Truncation (also known as abbreviation) is the word formation process in which a word is shortened without loss any meaning. I argue that the BP's truncated forms tend to be disyllabic and the secondary stress rhythm also plays a role in the process. The reduplication involves copy of a piece or a complete word, promoting a new lexical item. There are several kinds of reduplication (cf. COUTO, 1999), for the moment I will focus only on the total reduplication verb i -verb i . I will show that both processes are regular and predictable. Similarly, I will show the tendency of this word formation to have an open final syllable and binary feet, offering argument to the Emergence of the Unmarked Theory.

In Brazilian Portuguese, words with antepenultimate syllable stress are regarded as exceptions to lexical stress rules. Evidence for their exceptionality has been given in the literature: the late introduction of these words in the language, the predominant occurrence of the antepenultimate syllable stress in low frequency words, and the tendency of the language to shift stress to the penultimate syllable. Using a corpus of 18,413 words with antepenultimate stress and their respective phonological transcription from the Houaiss dictionary (HOUAISS VILLAR 2001), we argue that these claims are not always accurate and that words with antepenultimate stress are a long established and consistent pattern in the language. Furthermore, we show that stress shift to the penultimate syllable is not the rule, but it is only one possibility, restricted by the phonotactics of the language, and that preservation of antepenultimate stress is far more frequent. The data and analyses presented in this paper argue that prediction of lexical stress in Brazilian Portuguese must include words with the antepenultimate pattern, as there is no evidence that they are either disappearing in the language or being avoided by speakers.

Morphologists working on Brazilian Portuguese have generally neglected the study of non-concatenative morphological operations, such as blending, acronym formation and truncation, perhaps influenced by the opinions of normative grammarians, who claim that these mechanisms of word-formation are arbitrary and unpredictable (cf. Basílio 1987, Sandmann 1991). In this paper, I will concentrate on blending (portmanteaus morphemes) in Brazilian Portuguese and show that the process involved in their creation are quite regular. A formal account of this phenomenon, involving both its morphological and phonological aspects, will be provided. The paper is organized as follows: in section I, I give a description of the phenomenon of blending, a discussion of its cross-linguistic relevance and of the way it is formally treated in the literature. In section II, I will sketch the essentials of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky, 1993), more particular the version of OT know as Correspondence Theory (McCarthy and Prince, various publications), which will serve as the theoretical framework of my study. Section 3 discusses the general aspects and the constraints that are active in blending formation. Finally, section 4 contains the concluding discussion and some suggestion for the further research. It also contains a list of Brazilian Portuguese blending examples.

resumo: neste texto, apresentamos um panorama do fa d'ambô, uma língua crioula de base lexical portuguesa falada na ilha de Ano Bom, na guiné equatorial. embora a colonização portuguesa na ilha de Ano Bom tenha sido irregular, o fa d'ambô é uma evidência da presença do mundo português, de um lado e, de outro lado, da sobrevivência de características únicas da cultura portuguesa na ilha de Ano Bom. Mostraremos que o estudo do fa d'ambô da ilha de Ano Bom é uma oportunidade para aumentarmos a compreensão sobre a gênese do protocrioulo do golfo da guiné, em particular, e sobre as línguas crioulas, em geral. Palavras-chave: Fa d'ambô; línguas crioulas; golfo da guiné. aBstract: in this paper, we give an overview of fa d'ambô, a language spoken mainly on the island of Ano Bom, in equatorial guinea. Although Portuguese colonization on the island of Ano Bom was inconsistent, linguistic and cultural factors are unequivocal proof not only of the relationship between these language and the Portuguese world, but also of the survival of characteristics peculiar to Portuguese culture on the island of Ano Bom. We show that studying fa d'ambô is an opportunity to increase our understanding of the origin of the gulf of guinea proto-Creole in particular, and of Creole languages in general. 1 g.antunes@usp.br 2 Agradecemos a tjerk hagemeijer, Armando segorbe, Mário eduardo viaro e gerhard seibert por comentários e sugestões. os erros que permanecem, contudo, são de nossa inteira responsabilidade. Agradecemos à fundação para a Ciência e tecnologia (fCt), no âmbito do projeto The origins and development of creole societies in the Gulf of Guinea: an interdisciplinary study (ptdc/ cle-lin/111494/2009), ao CNPq e à FAPESP pelo apoio financeiro.

Este artigo examina comparativamente a nasalidade vocálica em duas variedades de português faladas em São Tomé e Príncipe: o português santomense (PST) e o português principense (PP). Pautados na análise da duração e dos formantes dos segmentos nasais (ṽN), nasalizados (ṽ.N) e orais (V), observamos dois processos de nasalização distintos nessas variedades: a nasalidade vocálica tautossilábica, engatilhada por uma coda nasal, e a nasalidade vocálica heterossilábica, promovida por um onset nasal. Ambos os processos decorrem do espraiamento regressivo do traço [+nasal] para V, porém, enquanto a nasalidade tautossilábica é obrigatória, distingue significado e ocasiona o apagamento da consoante nasal em coda, resultando na duração alongada de ṽN em relação à V (48% para o PST e 60% para o PP), a nasalidade heterossilábica não ocorreu em pretônicas, é opcional em tônicas e mantém a consoante nasal em onset, refletindo, consequentemente, na duração de ṽ.N, a qual é equivalente à V.