BackgroundThere is an increasing body of evidence on the extent and predictors of violence against women in Nepal. However, much of the published research does not yet take into account additional features of marginalization and vulnerability suffered by some women – for example, women socially excluded on account of their disability. Critical gaps exist in empirical data on the extent, risk factors, access to care, socio-economic and health consequences of violence among women with disabilities in Nepal. This paper addresses some these gaps and aims to promote evidence-informed policy and programme responses in Nepal.MethodsWe conducted a cross-sectional survey of 475 women with disability aged 16 years and above in three districts in Nepal. In-depth interviews with 12 women who reported violence in the survey were also carried out. Using multivariate statistical methods we estimated the prevalence and risk factors for violence experienced both over the past 12 months and lifetime.ResultsOver the lifetime, 57.7% of women reported they had ever experienced violence, including emotional violence (55.2%); physical violence (34%); and sexual violence (21.5%). Over the preceding 12 months, 42% of women reported that they had experienced violence. Multivariate analysis showed that women with disabilities who were young, working in paid employment, and those who required permission from husbands/family to go to health centres or participate in community organizations were at increased risk of violence. Women experienced a range of negative outcomes from violence – including physical and emotional trauma. However, a majority of women did not seek care or redress from the health, justice or other sectors.ConclusionsWomen in Nepal are at high risk of violence, often from members of their immediate family or local community. Rates of violence are higher in women with disability than among women in the general population. Tackling violence requires a comprehensive approach that addresses the root causes of women’s unequal position in society, and builds upon principles of equity and justice to ensure that all women are able to realize their rights to a life free from violence.
This paper examines the successful fight against the provision in Section 377 of the Penal Code of India that criminalised private consensual sex between adults of the same sex. This law had led to serious discrimination against people engaging in homosexual acts, who were subjected to frequent beatings and blackmail attempts by police, who used the threat of prosecution against them. NGOs working with sexual minorities have also been harassed and sometimes charged under Section 377. By stigmatising homosexuality and threatening gay men with prison, the law is also likely to have impeded the battle against HIV. The provision was read down in July 2009 after an innovative, sustained, mass media campaign by activists. The Voices Against 377 coalition brought together sexuality and lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) organisations, who were previously marginalised, with groups working in areas such as children's rights and feminist groups, showing that support for non-discrimination towards sexual minorities was broad-based. Further legal and social changes are needed for LGBT individuals to gain full acceptance and equality within Indian society. However, the judgement transcended the LGBT issue with the implication of protection for all minorities and introduced for the first time in South Asia the idea of sexual citizenship.
Although India is a signatory to numerous international agreements on the rights of women and has a constitution that prohibits discrimination and exploitation by gender, as well as a plethora of related legislation, it has failed to satisfactorily protect the human rights of women, particularly those of sex workers. This is manifested in high levels of violence in the sex industry, child sex workers, lack of access to health care, and high levels of HIV infection. Policies that revolve around rescue and rehabilitation, or are based on the premise that sex work is immoral, are unlikely to effectively promote the well-being of sex workers. An alternative paradigm, which revolves around an explicit recognition of the human rights of sex workers together with an activist approach to achieve them, involving a collaboration between NGOs and collectives of sex workers, has worked well to protect the human rights and health of sex workers in India.
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