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Two experiments were conducted to investigate the effects upon accuracy of recall of different techniques of obtaining evidence from 10-and I I-year-old children about a previously witnessed incident.The first experiment studied three techniques: ( a ) free report, (6) use of general questions, and (c) use of specific questions. It was expected that the free report method would produce the most accurate but least complete initial recall, but that this lack of completeness might have a detrimental effect upon the accuracy of later recall. The free report technique did produce highly accurate, although rather incomplete recall, b6t initial use of this technique did not have any detrimental effect upon later, more structured recall.The second experiment investigated the sole use of the free report technique over a 2-month period. It was expected that a high level of accuracy would be achieved at all recall sessions. The effect upon accuracy of recall of a delay of 2 weeks or 2 months prior to the first experimental recall session was also investigated in this experiment. A high level of accuracy was obtained at all recall sessions. However, a delay before the first recall session had an adverse effect upon the completeness of recall.

Twelve male and twelve female pairs of subjects, assuming management and union roles, engaged in a negotiation-type task either face-to-face or in separate rooms communicating via a headphone-microphone link. Transcripts of their discussions were taken and analysed using Conference Process Analysis, a new system for describing the content of negotiations.It was predicted that in comparison with face-to-face conversations, conversations by audio link would be ' depersonalized' and ' task-oriented'. Results supported both hypotheses. I n the absence of visual communication there was less praise for one's opponent and more 'party' references. The second hypothesis was supported by a significantly greater exchange of 'offers of information' in the absence of visual communication, while union representatives exchanged more ' offers of information about their opponent's party'by audio link than face-to-face. Results highlighted interesting and unpredicted differences in behaviour between the representatives of the two sides in relation to medium of communication. Taken together, the results suggest that visual communication has three main effects upon the content of exchanges: it encourages spontaneity and, hence, a more wideranging discussion, while at the same time promoting the adoption of conventional role relationships by the participants. that in certain circumstances, it may depersonalize conversations so that, in a negotiation for example, a speaker will be less aware of the impact of what he says on his opposite number. He will know less about how the other feels about his statements and, hence, the conversation will more likely concentrate on the issues dividing the parties, and less on the people who represent the parties. For this reason, Morley & Stephenson predicted, and demonstrated, that outcomes of experimental negotiations by audio link were more likely to reflect the relative strength of the respective parties than were negotiations face-to-face. SimilarlyWilson (1974), in an analysis of President Nixon's conversation with two of his aides both face-to-face and by telephone suggests that the absence of visual communication over the telephone increases anonymity and decreases intimacy.In his case at least, the predictable effect of this was to increase the amount of

Bartlett's theory that remembering is a ‘reconstructive’ process is based largely upon the ways in which subjects change and distort prose passages when reproducing them from memory. If such changes and distortions are to serve as the foundation for a theory of remembering it is clearly desirable to be quite certain that the persons who make them really are trying to remember, and are not deliberately inventing material to fill in gaps in their memories. Three experiments were carried out in an attempt to shed light on this question. In the first experiment it was ascertained that strict instructions to avoid errors markedly lessened the number of errors which subjects make in reproducing prose passages. In the second it was found that subjects are fairly adept at picking out their own errors. In the third it was shown that conscientious subjects make notably fewer errors than less conscientious ones. It is concluded that for various reasons subjects in Bartlett‐type experiments often do more or less consciously invent material to bridge gaps in their memories, and that Bartlett's claims that the occurrence and nature of such changes and distortions shed light on the mechanisms of remembering must be regarded with caution.

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