Since 1997, the Global Polio Eradication Initiative has sponsored regular door-to-door polio immunisation campaigns in northern Nigeria. On 30 July 2015, the country was finally declared poliofree, a hard won success. At various times, polio eradication has been threatened by rumours and community tensions. For example, in 2003, local Imams, traditional leaders and politicians declared a polio campaign boycott, due to the concerns about the safety of the polio vaccine. Although the campaigns resumed in 2004, many parents continued to refuse vaccination because of the persistence of rumours of vaccine contamination, and anger about the poor state of health services for conditions other than polio. To address this, UNICEF and Nigerian Government partners piloted two interventions: (1) mobile 'health camps' to provide ambulatory care for conditions other than polio and (2) an audiovisual clip about vaccine safety and other health issues, shareable on multimedia mobile phones via Bluetooth pairing. The mobile phone survey found that Bluetooth compatible messages could rapidly spread behavioural health messages in low-literacy communities. The health camps roughly doubled polio vaccine uptake in the urban ward where it was piloted. This suggests that polio eradication would have been accelerated by improving primary health care services.
The use of Inactivated Polio Vaccine (IPV) in routine immunization to replace Oral Polio Vaccine (OPV) is crucial in eradicating polio. In June 2014, Nigeria launched an IPV campaign in the conflict-affected states of Borno and Yobe, the largest ever implemented in Africa. We present the initiatives and lessons learned. The 8-day event involved two parallel campaigns. OPV target age was 0-59 months, while IPV targeted all children aged 14 weeks to 59 months. The Borno state primary health care agency set up temporary health camps for the exercise and treated minor ailments for all. The target population for the OPV campaign was 685,674 children in Borno and 113,774 in Yobe. The IPV target population for Borno was 608,964 and for Yobe 111,570. OPV coverage was 105.1 per cent for Borno and 103.3 per cent for Yobe. IPV coverage was 102.9 per cent for Borno and 99.1 per cent for Yobe. (Where we describe coverage as greater than 100 per cent, this reflects original underestimates of the target populations.) A successful campaign and IPV immunization is viable in conflict areas.
The second social group most affected by HIV in New Zealand is that of the migrant African communities. As is the case in many resource-rich countries, the number of new HIV diagnoses assumed to have occurred through heterosexual sex has now caught up with those new diagnoses assumed to have occurred through men who have sex with men (MSM). While there is good behavioural surveillance of HIV-related knowledge, attitudes and behaviour (KAB) in New Zealand's MSM population (the GAPSS Surveys), there is very little data available on African migrant communities to provide an evidence base with which informed decisions can be made regarding HIV primary and secondary prevention interventions within these communities. The Mayisha I and II Projects in the UK have been successful in developing community based research collaborations that have resulted in valuable HIV-related KAB data being obtained from their migrant African communities. Such a model of working is now being developed within New Zealand. This paper reviews the UK Mayisha models and how such behavioural surveillance data is being utilised by HIV prevention stakeholders in the UK. It then describes how the model is being modified and developed within the New Zealand context.
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